Civil Society for Burma

The injustice and broken laws of the election committed by the regimes-sponsored political party USDP and the one sided bias toward USDP practiced by the authorities will create an outrage among the citizens. This will take event from regional and sporadic demonstrations to a nationwide uprising in the near future. The gross violations of election laws by the USDP and the illegal pre-vote casting favors USDP to win in the election.  Obviously, Burma’s election in 2010 is a sham.

The real change will take effect after the election. A kind of human outrage which once Burmese seem in 1988 will come as a storm and wipe out all the elements that created the down fall of Burma and it’s once the proud people.

The Burmese military regime lost the election in 1990, which was won by the opposition political party National League for Democracy (NLD) by 82% of the parliamentary seats but the regime refused to hand over political power.  After 20 years the regime planned another election on November 7, 2010 by using all kinds of restrictions against its main opponent the NLD party. This action forced NLD to boycott the election.  Not only did the NLD refuse to contend in the election but was also rejected by the winners of main ethnic political parties in the 1990.  United Nations, ASEAN, EU and the US pressured the regime to release more than 2000 political prisoners including Aung San Suu Kyi but no one else was released.  As a result, 2010 election lost its credibility.

The 2010 election will not form the emergence of a legitimate government. It will produce strife between the old Turks (former BSPP members) and the new (former SPDC members) as both parties have military backgrounds.  The regime is looking to gain legitimacy from foreign countries though it made the election under an undemocratic constitution.

There is no doubt that China, which lend three billions dollars to the regime before the election to show its support, will recognize the new government under its repeated motto: “Stability is crucial for the country’s development and that is the reason we support it”.  ASEAN nations will accept the election results without complaint as the internal affairs; India and Russia too will follow the same step.

But the USA, Canada, Australia, and EU are now speaking out loud about the un-free and unfair election in Burma.  However they will not out right reject the election results.  United Nations also repeated its un-effective words, which the regime never cares about. None of their demands of freeing Aung San Suu Kyi and political prisoners became reality.

Gradually Burmese people have come to known and seen the reality that they have to stand up and fight for. Their rights are not waiting for them.

On the other hand, the political parties that have claimed themselves as democratic forces have to form a coalition. This includes the NUP to put in its fold as a partner against USDP and speak out who violated the election law in which constituency by giving with proved documents such as first hand witness, photos, video recording and tape recording. Then we will see the tolerance level of the Thein Sein Regime.  How will the so-called Prime Minister Thein Sein handle the situation? Will he be ignoring the complaints or disqualifying his party candidates who violated the election laws? How much does he respect the law that he and his group created for the election? How could the political parties respond if Thein Sein ignore their complaint and refuse to disqualify his party candidates?

Burmese people who would like to see democratic change living abroad are doing their best against the sham election around the world by protesting in front of the Burmese embassies in their respected countries. The burnings of the new Burmese flags and complete disapproval of the new constitution is an example of their rage for the regime.  However their actions including pressure from democratic countries like USA and European countries will only give pressure and not the actual change that Burmese people are looking for.

The main force of the movement is from the inside. The NLD alone cannot stand for change but if NLD and democratic forces find a common ground to work together as team to fight against the coming SPDC/USDP regime, they can save the country in a short period of time. There is no time to blame each other.  Some will fight from the inside and some will fight from outside.  A grand strategy is needed for change in Burma.  The Burmese opposition needs to have broad minds and not hate each other about the past but rather look for a bright future by compromising with each other.  We have to compromise with each other to form a united front because without it, it will take another 20 years plus to set up a democratic government.

Burma is ripe for change. It depends on you.

The first tide is coming- the Burmese regime will start its dirty jobs soon after its 60 days of political party registration period.  The regime will outlaw NLD and capture hardliner NLD leaders.  But the extreme tsunami will come after the first tide hits Burma, the tsunami being the tide of the people’s power.

Publishers of the Burmese journals have to send their content to the literature censorship board for approval before it is published.  It takes at least one week to wait for the approval.  The current NLD boycotting the election made the authorities very nervous and now they are forcing the publishers to put out news that the NLD decision is disrupting the election.  If the journal writes what the censorship board wants, the journal is allowed to publish right away.  As a result, Myanmar News Week and The Yagon Times distributed their journals on March 31, two days after the NLD decision.  Others journals are still waiting for the approval to distribute.[1]

Myanmar News Week Journal wrote “NLD’s decision not to participate in the election means it is refusing to follow the principle of democratic change, which allows the means of entering the election for the country and its people by peaceful and smoother way”.  The same content was written in The Yangon Times.  Most of the journals need to wait for at least one week for the approval but the aforementioned journals were approved right away, meaning the authorities wanted to brainwash the Burmese people that it is the NLD’s blame and not the authorities’.

Other journals are waiting from the approval from the censorship board to write about the NLD decision.  One editor said, “If we write the same thing as Myanmar News Week and Yangon Time, I think they will allow us to publish our journal. They want us to write the same thing.”

On March 29, a hundred thirteen NLD party central committee members voted not to register for the election.[2]

Above news prove that SPDC is now frustrated and trying to blame NLD for not participating in the election.

1. SPDC has carefully crafted and failed at their strategy to corner NLD to participate in the election without Aung San Suu Kyi.
2. First they released U Win Tin, a principled journalist who has sacrificed his life for the country by not compromising to any pressure for his belief in democracy and fairness.  The NLD Chairman U Aung Shwe is a weak and persuadable man.  Every time the regime pressured NLD, he compromised and accepted what the regime desired.  On the other hand, U Win Tin is a man of principle, and the regime wants the NLD to split into two groups.  They know Aung Shwe and Win Tin will collide with each other if they release Win Tin, and it happened.  When Win Tin stayed in the NLD headquarters, Aung Shwe gave an excuse for his health and did not showed up for six months.  But when the election laws came out, Aung Shwe came back to the office and said NLD needs to register, which Win Tin outright rejected.

The SPDC predicted one group will be led by their desired man Aung Shwe and their uncompromising enemy Win Tin will lead the NLD youth, which has been very active with full of fighting spirit.  Aung Shwe and his men will kick out Win Tin’s group and enter the election.  As we all know, SPDC’s plan did not work out that way.  It is the wise decision made by NLD, especially a timely decision made by Aung San Suu Kyi.

Now NLD has to prepare against the next set of dirty tricks and pressure from SPDC.

1. Most of their active leaders and members will be captured.
2. Their offices will be forced to close down

1. The rest of NLD members will be closely monitored and harassed.

But there is a hope, people are now politically awakened, they have been sleeping for nearly 20 years after the four eights movement because under Aung Shwe leadership, NLD never stood up for what people want, his priority is the existence of the NLD party with a lack of policy matters.

Now NLD changed its course from one-sided compromising with the regime.  They are now sticking up their Shwegonedine declaration, which has a fair offer to overcome the dead-lock between the regime and democratic opposition as a whole.

People want “Change” and the NLD decision gave them “Hope” to rise up again.  In 1988, many thought it was impossible to fight against the BSPP government but it happened and General Ne Win finally stepped down.

Unlike 1988, the current political situation is far worse than in 1988.  People are starving, Burma has lost its two crucial resources:

1. Human resources
2. Natural resources

Many forests and wild life have gone. Thai, Chinese, and Indonesian logging companies and Burmese tycoons like Tayza Htoo’s company have licenses to demolish forests with no regard to conservation.  Burmese fishermen could not catch enough fish in the Burmese sea anymore because foreign fishing boats have over fished in Burmese waters.  Many mines have run out of ores, even gas exploration is so successful, the Capital Rangoon does not have enough electricity and cooking gas for its people.

Many intellectuals leave the country when they have a chance to find jobs after graduation.  Doctors, Engineers, Nurses, Chemists, Physicists, and more are all leaving the country by legal or illegal means.  It has been a total brain drain after 1988.  Factories were shut down and government privatization programs only benefited the rich who deeply support the regime.

If the NLD has a “Do or Die policy” by using 1990 Election mandate to form the government in an appropriate time, people will rise up and support the government.  People are now very excited and ready to go with NLD, they need to capitalize on the chance by organizing its core members and draw a strategy as soon as possible before the 60 days period.  One important thing is NLD has to be very careful not to make a drastic action before the 60 days dead line.  If NLD announced to form a government before the dead line, the regime will definitely crush them.  NLD should wait until the regime makes a move first by announcing NLD party as an illegal party.  When it happened, the world will reject the regime’s 2010 election.  Then NLD has to move to form a government by using 1990 election results.

Even under Chairman U Aung Shwe’s leadership while compromising with the regime, many NLD offices were closed down, many were put in prisons and the group had no right to call for its own party convention for more than 10 years.  NLD does not need to worry about its image fading because it will still be recognized by the Burmese even if the regime outlaws NLD as an illegal organization.  Burmese people and the world will still recognize NLD as a political party.

On the other hand, SPDC needs to show the world that the 2010 election is credible by releasing political prisoners before the election.  They are not willing to change their laws and regulations but they could release all political prisoners before the election.  SPDC is not releasing the election date yet and it is only 9 months left within the year to hold the election.  Withholding this pivotal information shows that they still have no confidence in the election.

The problems SPDC has been facing within the election period are:

1. They have to show the world that it is free and fair.
2. Oppositions have freedom to organize the people without harassment from the government.
3. Independent newspapers and broadcasting need to established before the election.
4. Independent civic organizations should be allowed to form legally.

They are not going to allow 3 and 4.

Than Shwe clearly said in the Burma Independent day speech, “ Do not expect to get mature democracy after the election.”  He already stated he will not give the people freedom after the election.  It means he has a plan to win and still control the political power however necessary.

In conclusion, many prisoners in Burma prisons are filled with army deserters.  It proves that the Army is suffering under cruel military rule.  Who knows, maybe when people rise up for their rights under the new and strong NLD leadership, the army, navy and air force will join with the people because they themselves are part of the people who suffered so long.

Htun Aung Gyaw

March 31, 2010

[1] Tuesday March 30. 2010 Report by Than Htike Oo (From Tsunami News)

[2] Ibid

Analyzing the 2010 election (Burmese)

NLD set up the date for its party central committee meeting on 29 March 2010, where a decision will be made weather as to enter the election or not. NLD will likely decide to favor entering the election and expel its leader Aung San Suu Kyi by avoiding becoming the illegal party under the SPDC unjust election laws.

Before discussion on this issue, we need to know why SPDC planned to hold the election after 20 years of strict rule. There are two reasons that SPDC needs an election for its own benefit.

1. Gain Internal legitimacy
2. Gain External legitimacy

For gaining “Internal legitimacy”, SPDC hands out a trick by issuing strict party registration laws which will force the NLD to make a drastic decision to expel its world known and respected leader Aung San Suu Kyi along with tough party members who have been thrown into jail for their strong belief in freedom and democratic rights.

If the NLD falls into the SPDC trap and expel ASSK from the party, National League for Democracy will lose its credibility and support from Burmese people.

On the other hand, unlike the situation in 1990, SPDC-sponsored mafia organization Union of Solidarity and Development Association (USDA) is well-prepared for the election and its members reach from cities to villages.

In addition, SPDC created a Nazi era like brown shirt terrorist organization called Swan Ar Shin (The Mighty) whose job is to beat up the opposition members and pro-democracy activists, while Swan Ar Shin are under the guise of concerned citizens who control the disturbances (anti government demonstrations are mark as disturbances and disruption of peace and stability of the country). In reality, they are government-sponsored thugs that beat up demonstrators.

Without ASSK, NLD has no chance to win the election. Internal legitimacy is not very difficult for the SPDC because even though they lost the election in 1990, they have been ruling without legitimacy for more than two decades with force and violence at their disposal. Even though they do not have internal legitimacy, they can create one and they will force to get it in the future. For example, after cyclone Nargis hit Burma, SPDC did not delay its planned referendum even within the crisis where more than one hundred thousand died and millions became homeless. SPDC did not care about it and shamelessly announced that the referendum was successful and 94% endorsed it. It proved that they will use force if necessary because it is Burma’s internal affairs and no one can stop them.

But unlike internal legitimacy, they cannot get the external legitimacy by using force or threat because it is beyond their limit. To gain external legitimacy, SPDC needs to prove that the election is free and fair. If they hold the election while giving NLD fair entry, they will get acceptance from the Western nations even if NLD loses. Getting external legitimacy is the main reason the SPDC is planning the election in 2010.

But the current situation does not favor them to get external legitimacy because the strict election laws including Party Registration Law clearly forced the NLD and other political parties to expel their members who are in prisons.

The current situation shows that NLD party has two options:

Option One:

1. Abandoned their mandate of 1990 election results and Shwegone Dine declaration.
2. Expel Aung San Suu Kyi and NLD prisoners
3. Register as a political party and accept and promise to safeguard the 2008 constitution.

It is likely to happen under Chairman Aung Shwe. He said NLD needs to register in the CEC meeting. His aids, Khin Mg Swe and Dr. Than Nyein also expressed their view by supporting Aung Shwe. It is like history revisited again like in 1993 when SPDC pressured NLD to expel ASSK or abolish the party, Aung Shwe chose to expel ASSK. But it was the post election period and NLD also has 1990 election mandate to rule. Now they will do it again and General Mg Than Shwe knows their weakness.

Even though Aung San Suu Kyi gave her opinion that she will not accept the unjust law and refused to register it, both Than Nyein and Khin Mg Swe said everyone has a choice and they have theirs, if someone does not want to register he or she has to leave the party but they will still be holding the party banner and entering the election. Since they will not accept the majority vote in the central committee meeting, it likely means NLD is going to split into two groups.

Option two

1. Refuse to register as a political party.
2. Announce the world that they cannot expel their beloved leader for the election because the SPDC laws are designed to exclude their leader to participate in the election.
3. They will not dissolve their party and it will still be a people’s party, they are still holding the Shwegone Dine declaration and are open for dialogue with SPDC.

My opinion is if NLD chooses option one, it is a doomsday for the NLD party. The current situation is totally different because now is a pre-election period and if NLD expels their leader Aung San Suu Kyi, it will lose terribly and never regain to be trusted by its people again.

SPDC needs NLD to participate in the election without ASSK and well respected NLD organizers who are serving their long jail terms. Their plan is to show the world that NLD participates in the election and failed, so their party becomes a winner party without rejection from the West.

If NLD refuses to register and block those who wanted to register and enter the election by expelling them or get the majority to vote against the idea, then SPDC might compromise and negotiate with NLD, because who knows… they might be bluffing.

Shan National League for Democracy (SNLD) the second largest winner party in 1990 announced that it will not register because their party leader Khun Htun Oo is still in the prison, without their party leader they will not registered. Also cease fire group Wa organization United Wa State Party (UWSP) and New Mon State Party (MNSP) refused to register as a political party because they do not like to accept the 2008 one sided constitution which does not guaranteed the ethnic rights.

One thing worries me is newly elected NLD’s CC members were selected directly by the CEC, especially by U Aung Shwe. Mostly majority are his men and women. NLD is going to decide whether they will register or not on March 29 with secret voting. This secret voting is a trick because it is possible that Aung Shwe already set up a plan for his followers to vote what he wants by using secret voting, so people will not know who want to register and who don’t. This kind of secret voting system designed to protect the identity of central committee members who agree with Aung Shwe and support the registration.

On the other hand, grass root NLD regional and division members are loudly talking about against the registration laws and “No” to register it. In addition, activists around the world totally rejected the idea of registration except a few so called intellectuals who think they know very well and it is the only way to surrender and participate in the election. Cease fire groups, Ethnic parties, grass root NLD regional members all speak out their opinions boycotting the election by refusing to register it.

If there is an open voting in the coming March 29, the result will favor the rejection of the registration, if not NLD banner will be robbed by Aung Shwe’s gang in the near future.

Burmese generals are playing with China, the United States and the United Nations since its came into power in 1988 for their own benefit to cling on political power. The US and China need to think it is more beneficial for them to find a way and work together for the emergence of democratic governance in Burma for the long run, rather than thinking of how to influence the current military regime which has no interest on its own people and the development of the country.

Chinese Foreign Ministry spokeswoman Jiang Yu said at a regular press briefing. “As Myanmar’s (Burma’s) neighbor, China hopes to see stability and economic development in Myanmar and China always adopts a policy of non-interference”.

China has been the sole protector for the Burmese military regime since it came into power in 1988. China explained to the world that the Burmese regime has the ability to maintain stability of the country. But when 20,000 Kokant Chinese refugees from Burma fled to China on August 28, 2009, the Chinese regime may need to rethink about their “stability” theory. Is the regime really maintaining stability in the country? Or Burma is like a sleeping volcano, and can erupt any time any moment?

China-Burma relation strained when the Burmese Socialist government created anti-Chinese riots to divert the rice shortage in Burma in 1967. Many Chinese were killed by the hungry mob and the Chinese Embassy was surrounded by thousands of people. China withdrew its Ambassador and gave tons of arms and ammunition to the Communist Party of Burma (CPB) to punish the so-called Burmese socialist regime.

CPB recruited ethnic Wa, Kachins, and Kokang as their soldiers. Some Wa’s, Kachins and Kokang leaders were sent to Beijing to attend communist cadre classes. The growing of ethnic based communist troops gave an opportunity to the Wa ethnic minority’s group to rise as one of the strongest ethnic resistance groups in Burma after they split with CPB.

On September 18, 1988 the military leaders brutally crushed the nation-wide demonstrations spearheaded by university students. After that incident, China-Burma relations changed dramatically. The West and the US fully supported the 1988 demonstrations which demanded for democratic government and multi party system. On the other hand, Chinese government totally supported the Burmese regime which has a similar style of dictatorial rule in China.

The newly formed military regime announced that they are going to a democratic system and promised to change the close door economic system to an open economic system. Burma’s neighboring countries jumped into the bandwagon to take the lion share from Burma’s rich natural resources, logging, fishing, mining, and gas explorations.

Among them China was the regime’s favorite ally and the most beneficial. China–Burma border was open and trade between the two countries soared from millions to billions. The flow of Chinese immigrants and merchants were unbelievable like a human stream flowing into Burma. Before 1988, Chinese influence in Burma reached to Lasho in Shan states, which is made of 80% Chinese population. But after 1988 the cultural city of Burma; Mandalay, was quickly occupied by the Chinese migrants and local Burmese people were pushed to the out skirts. Burmese immigration offices in China-Burma border became rich by allowing Chinese immigrants into Burma and issuing them as Burmese citizens though they only spoke Chinese.

David I Steinberg wrote “Burmese officials indicate there may be two million illegal Chinese in Myanmar and perhaps half a million Chinese registered with the government. This would be about five percent of the population.”

In his last paragraph Steinberg predicts regarding Burma-China relations that “The Chinese government needs to understand that if they do not push discretely but intensely for economic and political reforms in their own national interests, they may lose out in the longer term.”

Now Than Shwe wants to show its softer face to the USA by attacking Kokang cease fire groups. He also met with the US senator Jim Webb. As a result, Jim Webb was able to take back his country man John Yettaw who unofficially swam across the lake to meet with Aung San Suu Kyi.

Majority of the CPB leadership were Burmese and they were seen as a dominant majority race by ethnic groups including Was, Kokants and Kachins. CPB mutiny erupted in 1989 starting from Kokant leadership led by Phun Kya Shin and was followed by the Wa’s and Kachins.

Ethnic resistance groups are solely dependent on Burma’s neighboring countries, such as China, Thailand, India and Bangladesh. Kachins, Kokang and Wa’s follow what China directed to them and Karens, Karennis, Lahus, Shans, Paos and Mons depend on Thailand for medicines, food, and illegal arms trade. In the same fashion, Chins and Nagas accept what India wants.

Under the Socialist regime Burma practiced closed door economic system which indirectly boosted the black market trade. The unofficial black market border trade between Burma and its neighboring countries flourished between 1962 to 1988. The ethnic resistance groups were well connected with border trade and financially benefitted from it. Competition between different ethnic groups to control the border trade was the main interest for them. Ethnic resistance groups lost their goals for autonomy and enjoyed collecting tax from the black market trade. Ethnic leaders were well treated by the Thais, Chinese and Indians because they were the one who controlled the border trade.

When 1988 nation-wide demonstration occurred, the Karen National Union (KNU) and the New Mon State Party (NMSP) fought each other to control the border trade in Three Pagoda Pass, rather than planning to support the movement inside Burma. This incident proved that there was no strategic planning to achieve their goal for autonomy when the government was temporarily paralyzed by the nation-wide demonstrations.

But after the Burmese regime opened up the economy, the relationship between the Thais and ethnic resistance groups has changed. Thais saw that directly dealing with the military regime was far more beneficial than dealing with ethnic resistance groups. Karen leaders were harassed by the Thai authorities while traveling within Thailand, while in the past were given VIP status. Thais imposed a lot of restrictions on resistance leaders from Burma to please the Burmese military regime, in return getting logging and fishing concessions and later gas deals with Burma.

On the other hand, the ethnic Wa, Kokang, Shans and Kachins split from CPB and reached a cease fire agreement where favored by the regime. They were free to travel in the country and free to do business. This is the significant progress for the ethnic resistance groups living along the China-Burma border. The Wa’s, Kachins, Shans and Kokang along the china border emerged as business partners with the military generals. As a result, opium production soared in the China-Burma and Thai-Burma border. Burmese regime denied that they are not involved in opium trade but after Kokang group was rooted out, they blamed the Kokang leader as an opium warlord. To eliminate the Wa, Kachin and Mongla groups, the regime needed to name them as opium warlords in front of the international arena. It is the best way to persuade the USA to support them to curb the opium production.

But the Burmese generals have no intention to let the cease fire groups free-roaming around the country for life; they are planning to control the whole country after their planned 2010 election. After 2010 there will be no ethnic armies existent in Burma. The only army standing tall will be the Burmese Army which controls the whole country as a dominant institution. Under the new constitution they will get amnesty for their crimes against humanity and human rights violations. Then the generals and their cronies will control politics and economy for decades to come.

To eliminate the ethnic armies they have to make a deal with the Chinese because Wa, KoKang, and Kachin are recognized as ethnic people from China and if the war broke out in China-Burma border, tens and thousands will flee from Burma into China and it will be a big headache for the Chinese to deal with the refugees. The current warning from Chinese authority to the Burmese counterpart is not to harm its citizens. China demands for those who abused the Chinese inside Burma to be persecuted. They’ve called the Chinese citizens from eastern Burma to return to China as soon as possible, proving to us that the Chinese government is concerned about the shaky situation in Burma.

If China agreed to close its eyes, the Burmese troops will be roaming into Wa and Kachin regions to eliminate the ethnic armies. The Burmese will do it in the near future but if China did not approve the ethnic cleansing, Burmese generals need to find a super power which will balance the Chinese power in Asia. It turn out the US is their best option to approach. But China might likely close its eyes if the Burmese offensive starts against the ethnic cease fire groups because China needs gas from Burma urgently for its growing economy and short cut transportation from Burma’s sea to its land locked Yunan province.

The Burmese generals will explain Chinese leaders that Burma needs only one army and they have to get rid of the ethnic armies to consolidate the power for stability and peace. They will promise not to harm the Chinese citizens when war breaks out but within the war a lot of innocent Chinese citizens will die together with the ethnic troops.

On the other hand, they will deal with the high ranking US officials like Senator Jim Webb for backing them to eliminate the ethnic cease fire groups. The regime likes to approach Senator Jim Webb because he was the one who strongly opposed sanction. Even though economic sanction is not directly effective on regime change, it is hurting the regime to some extent. The only thing the regime wants to deal with the US is to show the Burmese people that they have no hope to fight back because now the strong critic like the US government is on their side by using pictures of high ranking US officials shaking hands with General Than Shwe and his cabinet members in their propaganda newspapers and TV stations.

In reality the regime does not care for sanction or western help. They do not care about the country’s economy or its people who are struggling for survival. The only thing they care about is how to use the super powers for their own benefit to cling onto political power. In 2008 Cyclone Nergis proved that the regime did not care about the people, helping the cyclone victims were far less important than maintaining the political power.

The regime used US special Envoy Rezali Ismail to buy time by promising him they would start a dialogue with opposition party National League for Democracy but years passed by without one dialogue.

They will name the cease fire groups as drug kingpins in the near future when the war breaks out. Kokang leader Phum Kya Shin was praised as a nationalist hero when he reached a cease-fire agreement with the regime. But after he refused to transform his army to a border guard he was attacked and named as a drug lord.

In conclusion, both China and USA need to know the mentality of the regime and work together as a team to change Burma as a democratic country. China will get more benefit under democratic Burma rather than favoring and supporting the notorious military regime. Aung San Suu Kyi said China and Burma have a long history of mutual relationship and she intends to keep it as a good neighbor. Burma has no capacity to threat China when it is changed as a democratic nation and it will be less of a headache for China to deal with a democratic government. Under democratic rule in Burma, ethnic issues will be solved on peaceful negotiation rather than using force to fight each other.

The US needs to keep in mind that ASEAN constructive engagement has failed and so did the sanction. The new approach not only needs engagement but also to find and support real potential leaders and not Burmese Chalabis. There are potential leaders who have commitment and capacity to change Burma as a democratic state. Leaders of 88 Generation have come of age and they are ready to lead the country. The US needs to support those leaders in exile with financial, technological, and training for change in Burma rather supporting corrupt so called leaders in Exile who could not show progress within two decades.