Can the Kachin survive war’s escalation by Myanmar forces?
Htun Aung Gyaw
Special to The Nation January 4, 2013 1:00 am
The battle between the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) and the Myanmar army escalated from a ground battle to a conflict with air strikes on December 28. Even if Myanmar troops capture the Kachin headquarters, this conflict will not stop there – the war will go on, and many precious lives will be wasted.

When U Thein Sein was elected as president of Myanmar, he ordered the army to stop fighting in Kachin State. However, army chief of staff, General Min Aung Hlaing, paid no attention to the president’s order and continued to fight. Questioned about this, Nay Pyi Taw said troops on the frontier had not received the order yet, and it was hard to convey the message while they were there. It said the order would reach the troops fighting against the KIA shortly. But it has been more than a year, and now the army is using air strikes to try to capture the Kachin headquarters at Laiza, which is near the border with China.

Without China’s blessing or green light, government forces would not dare to use air strikes against the Kachin headquarters. So, it seems that Beijing has agreed to eliminate the KIA, which was once a trade partner with China. A mega dam on the Irrawaddy River was halted by Thein Sein after he began his term as president, because of nationwide outrage over such a project on the most important river for Burmese people. The decision upset the Chinese because the dam would have generated electricity that Yunnan province needs for its development. But the Kachin Independence Organisation (KIO) opposed the Myitsone Dam, as it was against the will of local people.

In addition, the building of a pipeline from Arakan State to Yunnan has seen a tremendous effort by the Chinese. However, they have used only their own workers to build it. Local people did not get any benefit from the pipeline project and it has upset the whole nation. The pipeline will also cross through some villages in Kachin State. As a result the villagers will be moved by force – destroying their livelihoods.

Furthermore, people that were forced to move when the Myitsone Dam project started now want to go back to their villages, but they have not been allowed to return, even though the project was halted. China needs the Myanmar army more than it needs the KIO. The government gave them a green light to build the mega dam and pipeline for their own benefit. It favoured China – but the KIO rejected both the dam and the pipeline. It is clear that favouring the Myanmar army instead of the KIO is more beneficial for the Chinese government. As a result, they have turned a blind eye to Myanmar government forces crossing the border and making air strikes against the KIA base.

Before 1988, Burma was heavily dependent on a black market economy. Border trade was the main source for basic needs such as soap, clothing and machine parts from neighbouring countries such as China, Thailand and India. Most products came from Thailand and China. The Karen resistance, the Karen National Union (KNU), controlled the Thai-Myanmar border trade and enjoyed close ties with Thai generals and politicians. Buying food, medicine, arms and ammunition from the Thais was not difficult for the KNU.

After nationwide demonstrations in 1988, the Myanmar army changed its “closed door” economic policy to an open-door policy, to eliminate the black market and promote open trade. For the Thais, dealing directly with the military regime is far more beneficial than dealing with the KNU and other ethnic resistance groups. Their national and personal interests favour those who will give them more profit than the other. They do not care if the Myanmar regime commits crimes or violates human rights. They only care about their national interest. As a result, Thais turned their back on the KNU and resistance groups, blocking dealers who used to sell arms and ammunition, and imposing travel restrictions inside Thai territory. The border trade died down and it was hard to purchase arms and ammunition, which weakened the ethnic resistance groups. On the other hand, the open economic policy has caused trade to boom between neighbouring countries and Myanmar.

In the early 1990s, when the Myanmar army started an offensive on the (KNU’s) Wankha camp, the Thai army allowed Myanmar government troops to cross into Thailand to attack the camp from both sides. Now, the Chinese are doing the same thing by permitting Myanmar’s warplanes to use Chinese airspace to attack Kachin strongholds.

In conclusion, the KIO headquarters may fall into government hands, just like Manerplaw, the KNU headquarters, did in 1995. But the Kachin will continue their fight as guerrilla troops as long as their people support them in the fight against the government. So, the best solution is to discuss this conflict in parliament – and there are many questions that need to be asked.

Why has the fighting continued to now, and for close to 18 months? How was it started? What are the demands of the KIA -are they fair and reasonable? What benefit will the government gain from this conflict? What is its goal? Why is the army still fighting even though the president ordered a ceasefire? All these matters need to be addressed in parliament. The people need to know the answers and should be given the right to respond.

The rational and practical thing is to take immediate action to stop the fighting by both sides and withdraw troops to their previous positions, which was agreed on when they made a ceasefire deal 17 years ago. Then, start a dialogue without any conditions, together with local dignitaries, political party leaders and UN observers. Dialogue is the only option to settle disputes among the ethnic nationalities – not a battle on the ground or bombing from the air.

The KIO headquarters at Laiza developed into a full-fledged town during the ceasefire period and it would be heartbreaking to see it destroyed by government troops. If civil war continues, there will be no development or improved living standards for the Kachin. If Laiza is destroyed, it will cost billions of dollars to rebuild. All the time and effort to build the town will have been wasted. We must stop this meaningless war, once and for all, for the sake of our country and its citizens as a whole.

Htun Aung Gyaw is a former chairman of the All Burma Students’ Democratic Front.

Conflict in Myanmar: divide-and-rule tactics in far north
Htun Aung Gyaw
Special to The Nation February 2, 2013 1:00 am
The civil war in Myanmar began right after the country gained independence from British colonial rule in 1948. Ethnic resistance forces have been fighting for equal rights and federal union status, but the response from successive army regimes has been military might. More than 60 years has passed but neither side has made any progress toward their goals. The only way to achieve peace is through negotiation and compromise.
The Kachin Independence Organisation (KIO) reached a ceasefire agreement with the military regime in 1994. But last year, the quasi-military-led civilian government issued an order to armed ethnic resistance groups to lay down their arms and switch to become border security forces under government control. The Kachin, Wa, Mon, Shan and the Karen refused to do this. Subsequently, in the case of the Kachin, government troops crossed the ceasefire agreement line and occupied ground on mountaintops that had been marked as KIO territory. The KIO’s armed wing, the Kachin Independence Army (KIA), fought the occupying troops and the ceasefire broke down.

The Kachin leaders say there is no need to negotiate for a ceasefire – if the government wants a ceasefire it should withdraw its troops to the ceasefire agreement line. It is that simple, they said, when they met with former All Burma Students’ Democratic Front leaders late last year. But Myanmar’s president has claimed his troops will stop fighting and that they have no intention of occupying the Kachin headquarters at Laiza. But after intense fighting for more than a year and a half, government troops have successfully occupied high ground that overlooks the Kachin headquarters.

The government has said it wants a ceasefire with the Kachin. And the Kachin have said that even though the government announced that it would stop fighting, troops were still attacking the last mountaintop near Lajayang. The deputy news and information minister, U Ye Htut, said government troops were firing back in “self defence”.

Only people on the ground know who is telling lies and who is telling the truth, but Kachin refugees are the only ones who suffer in the extreme cold weather. The winter in Laiza is severe – below zero degrees Celsius. Unlike other parts of the country, the Kachin State has snow in the winter. And unlike in Western countries there are no heaters or insulated homes for the Kachin people. Children are extremely vulnerable to cold weather, and more than 10 have died recently.

The US Embassy in Yangon issued a press release last week that strongly criticised the Myanmar government for prolonging the fighting in the Kachin State. It said the conflict would hinder the national reconciliation process, and demanded that NGOs be allowed access on humanitarian grounds, to help refugees, without any restrictions. A Chinese government spokesman then said, surprisingly, that the fighting had cooled down.

One well-known activist named Nay Myo Zin, a former army captain, marched towards Laiza carrying food, clothing and donations, only to be stopped by the army on the way to Kachin State. Some 20 youths and a monk who want to see peace in the Kachin State started a long march from Yangon to Kachin State on foot, in spite of hindrance from police when they passed through townships. Every township so far has supported the youths, with people joining them on their march for some distance. The journey to Laiza is nearly 1,300 kilometres. On the way, some township officials have caused problems by not giving the peace marchers a place to sleep or rest, but local people have supported them and they now number close to 50 individuals.

Meanwhile, the UNHCR has tried to help Kachin refugees turned back from China. Chinese authorities have stopped any foreigners who want to cross the border to go to Laiza. But the KIO warmly welcomes those who want to help the Kachin. People who want to see the situation firsthand and help refugees are greeted by the KIO. In contrast, the Myanmar army does not welcome people who want to help Kachin refugees. Furthermore, most of the video footage, photos and interviews from this conflict come from journalists stationed in Laiza. No video footage, photos or interviews are coming from the Myanmar army. It seems that the government does not want the world to see what it is doing in the Kachin State. It is obvious that the KIO side offers transparency but the government side does not.

The KIO response to the government is that if Nay Pyi Taw wants peace talks, they would rather talk together with the ethnic umbrella organisation, the United Nationalities Federal Council (UNFC). The news and information minister has agreed to the KIO proposal but has not said where or when negotiations will take place.

If peace negotiations start, people in Myanmar and around the world need to know what kind of facts both parties will present, as well as details about the agenda and what is blocking a peace settlement. The negotiations need to be transparent, so that the world knows which side’s demands are fair and acceptable. If people know the real situation, they can support the side that is honest and follows the people’s wishes.

Among the ethnic resistance groups, the Wa are the strongest. But while the conflict with the Kachin has raged on, government peace negotiator Aung Thaung went to the Wa area and assured the Wa that they did not need to form a border security force. That means the government is applying one rule for the Kachin and another for the Wa – divide-and-rule tactics. Currently, the Wa are unofficially the only ethnic group with self-rule in Myanmar. If the Kachin State falls, the Wa will be next.

Htun Aung Gyaw is a former chairman of the All Burma Students’ Democratic Front. He re-settled in the US and studied for a master’s degree in Asian studies at Cornell University. He is currently president of the New York-based Civil Society for Burma.

နိုုဝင္ဘာလ ၁၉  ရက္၊ ၂၀၁၂ ။

အိမ္ျဖဴေတာ္ သတင္းထုုတ္ျပန္ေရးအတြင္းေရးမွဴး၏ သမတအိုုဘားမားမွရန္ကုုန္တကၠသိုုလ္တြင္မိန္႔ခြန္းေကာက္ ႏွဳတ္ခ်က္။

အိုုဘားမား။  ေက်းဇူးတင္ပါတယ္။ ျမန္မာႏိုုင္ငံမဂၤလာပါ။ (လက္ခုုပ္သံမ်ား)။

ကြ်န္ေတာ္ခင္ဗ်ားတိုု႔နိုုင္ငံကိုုပထမဆံုုးအေမရိကန္သမတအေနနဲ႔လာေရာက္ျပီးဒီရန္ကုုန္တကၠသိုုလ္ၾကီးမွာစကား ေျပာခြင့္ရတဲ့အတြက္အလြန္

ဘဲဂုုဏ္ယူမိပါတယ္။ ခင္ဗ်ားတိုု႔နိုုင္ငံရဲ႕အေရးပါမွဳေၾကာင့္ကြ်န္ေတာ္ေရာက္လာတာ ျဖစ္တယ္။ ခင္ဗ်ားတိုု႔ဟာအေရွ႕အာရွနဲ႔ေတာင္အာရွရဲ႕အဓိကက်တဲ့ဘက္ႏွစ္ဖက္ဆက္ေနတဲ့လမ္းဆံုုေန ရာမွာ ရွိေနတယ္။ ခင္ဗ်ားတိုု႔ဟာကမၻာ့လူဦးေရအထူထပ္ဆံုုးနိုုင္ငံၾကီးေတြ (တရုုပ္၊အိႏၵိယ – စာေရးသူ) ၾကားမွာ ရွိေနခဲ့တယ္။

ခင္ဗ်ားတိုု႔မွာ ေထာင္နဲ႔ခ်ီျပီးသမိုုင္းရွိခဲ့တယ္။ ေနာက္ျပီးနိုုင္ငံကိုုအျမန္တိုုးတက္ျပီး ကမၻာ့အတိုုးတက္ဆံုုး နိုုင္ငံေဒသတခုုအျဖစ္လာေအာင္လုုပ္မယ္ဆိုုတဲ့ရည္မွန္းခ်က္လဲရွိၾကပါတယ္။

ကြ်န္ေတာ္ဒီနိုုင္ငံရဲ႕မတူကြဲျပားမွဳေတြနဲ႔အလွအပေတြေၾကာင့္လာခဲ့တာျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ အေစာပိုုင္းကကြ်န္ေတာ္ ျမင္ခဲ့တာကေတာ့ေရႊေရာင္ေတာက္ပေနတဲ့ၾကည္ညိဳစရာေရႊတိဂံုုဘုုရားၾကီးပါပဲ။ ဒီဘုုရားၾကီးကိုုၾကည့္ျပီး တိုုင္းတာလိုု႔မရတဲ့ေမတၱာနဲ႔ ဒီကမၻာမွာ ကြ်န္ေတာ္တိုု႔ရွင္သန္ေနတဲ့ အခ်ိန္အတြင္း သည္းခံျခင္း၊ခ်စ္ခင္ျခင္း တိုု႔နဲ႔ စိတ္ရွည္ရွည္ထားျပီးလုုပ္ရမယ္လိုု႔ယံုုၾကည္တယ္။ ဒီေျမဟာဟိုုး လူဦးေရထူထပ္တဲ့အိမ္နီးခ်င္းနိုုင္ငံမ်ားကေန ဒီေရွးျမိဳ႕ေဟာင္းအထိေရာက္ရွိ

လာျပီးေက်းရြာေပါင္း ၆၀၀၀၀ေက်ာ္ ရဲ႕အိမ္ယာမ်ားျဖစ္လာခဲ့တယ္။  ေဟမဝ ႏၱာ ေတာင္တန္းထိပ္စြန္းမွ ကခ်င္ေတာေတာင္မ်ားဆီသိုု႔၊ ထိုုမွတဆင့္ဧရာ ဝတီျမစ္ၾကီးရဲ႕ကမ္းပါးမ်ားအထိရွိ ေနခဲ့တယ္ဆိုုတာကြ်န္ေတာ္သိတယ္။

ကြ်န္ေတာ္ဒီတကၠသိုုလ္ၾကီးကိုုေလးစားတဲ့အတြက္ဒီကိုုလာေရာက္ခဲ့တာျဖစ္တယ္။ ဒီ ေက်ာင္းၾကီးမွာကိုုလိုုနီ စံနစ္ကိုုစတင္ဆန္႔က်င္မွဳေတြအစျပိဳးခဲ့တာျဖစ္တယ္။ ေအာင္ဆန္းဟာလြတ္လပ္ေရးလွဳပ္ရွားၽမွဳ မစခင္က ဒီေက်ာင္းၾကီးမွာမဂၢဇင္းအယ္ဒီတာလုုပ္ခဲ့သူျဖစ္တယ္။ ဒီေက်ာင္းၾကီးမွာဘဲဦးသန္႔ဟာကမၻာ့အေရးအခင္းေတြ ကိုုကုုလသမဂၢမွာဦးေဆာင္ ညြွန္ၾကားလမ္းညြွန္မွဳ ေတြ မလုုပ္ခင္ ေလ့လာသင္ၾကားခဲ့သူျဖစ္တယ္။ ဒီေနရာဟာလြန္ခဲ့တဲ့ရာစုုႏွစ္မ်ားကေက်ာင္းသားပညာတတ္ေတြနဲ႔စည္ကားခဲ့တဲ့ေနရာျဖစ္တယ္။ (အခုုေတာ့မစည္ကားေတာ့ဘူး- စာေရးသူမွတ္ခ်က္) ေက်ာင္းသားေတြဟာသူတိုု႔ရဲ႕ရပိုုင္ခြင့္ေတြအေျခခံလူ႔အခြင့္အေရးေတြကိုုေတာင္းဆိုုခဲ့တဲ့ေနရာျဖစ္တယ္။ အခုုခင္ဗ်ားတိုု႔လႊတ္ေတာ္ၾကီးဟာဒီတကၠသိုုလ္ၾကီးကိုုျပန္လည္ရွင္သန္လာေအာင္လုုပ္ဖိုု႔ဆံုုးျဖတ္ခ်က္ခ်လိုုက္ျပီ၊ ဒါေၾကာင့္ဒီတကၠသိုုလ္ၾကီးဟာသူ႔ရဲ႕ၾကီးျမတ္မႈကုိ ျပန္လည္ရယူရမယ္ ဘာေၾကာင့္လဲဆိုုေတာ့ ဒီႏုိင္ငံရဲ႕အနာဂါတ္ဟာ ဒီနိုုင္ငံမွာရွိတဲ့လူငယ္ေတြကပဲ ဆံုုးျဖတ္မွာျဖစ္လိုု႔ပဲ။

ကြ်န္ေတာ္ဒီကိုုလာတာဟာ ကြ်န္ေတာ္တိုု႔ႏွစ္နိုုင္ငံၾကားမွာ တည္ရွိေနတဲ့သမိုုင္းဆိုုင္ရာ ဆက္ႏႊယ္မႈေၾကာင့္ ျဖစ္တယ္။ ရာစုုႏွစ္ေက်ာ္ေက်ာ္က အေမရိကန္ကုန္သည္ေတြ၊ ဘာသာေရးမစ္ရွင္ေတြဟာ၊ ကုုန္သြယ္မွဳေတြ၊ ဘာသာေရးအရ ယံုုၾကည္တည္ေဆာက္မွဳေတြနဲ႔ ျမန္မာျပည္သားေတြနဲ႔ေပါင္းစည္းခဲ့ၾကတယ္၊ မိတ္ေဆြမ်ားအျဖစ္ တည္ေဆာက္ခဲ့ၾကတယ္။ ထိုု႔အျပင္ ဒုတိယကမၻာစစ္ၾကီးအတြင္းမွာလဲ ဒီနိုုင္ငံရဲ႕စည္းမ်ဥ္းပိုုင္နက္အတြင္းထဲမွာပဲ ကြ်န္ေတာ္တိုု႔ရဲ႕ေလယဥ္ပိုင္းေလာ့ေတြ တရုုပ္ျပည္ကို ပ်ံသန္းရင္း ေျမာက္မ်ားစြာေသာ ကြ်န္ေတာ္တိုု႔ရဲ႕ရဲေဘာ္ ေတြဟာသူတိုု႔ရဲ႕အသက္ေတြကိုုေပးဆပ္ခဲ့ၾကရတယ္။

ကြ်န္ေတာ္တိုု႔ႏွစ္နိုုင္ငံစလံုုးဟာျဗိတိသွ်အင္းပါယာမွလြတ္ေျမာက္လာၾကတာျဖစ္တယ္။ အေမရိကန္နိုုင္ငံဟာဗမာ ျပည္လြတ္လပ္ေရးရတဲ့အခါပထမဦးဆံုုးအသိအမွတ္ျပဳခဲ့တဲ့နိုုင္ငံလဲျဖစ္ခဲ့ပါတယ္။ အေမရိကန္စင္တာကိုုထူေထာင္ၿပီး ဒီလိုုေက်ာင္းေတာ္ၾကီးနဲ႔ပညာေရးဖလွယ္နိုုင္ခဲ့တဲ့အတြက္ ကြ်န္ေတာ္အထူးပဲ ဂုုဏ္ယူမိပါတယ္။ ဆယ္စုုႏွစ္မ်ား အတြင္းမတူညီမွဳမ်ားရွိခဲ့ေသာ္လည္း အေမရိကန္မ်ားဟာ ဒီနိုုင္ငံနဲ႔ျပည္သူေတြအေပၚကိုုယ္ခ်င္းစာနာမွဳမ်ား ၾကင္နာသနားမွဳမ်ား ထားခဲ့ၾကပါတယ္။

အဲဒါေတြအားလံုုးရဲ႕အထက္မွာကြ်န္ေတာ္ေျပာလိုုတာကေတာ့ကြ်န္ေတာ္ဒီကိုုလာခဲ့တာအေမရိကန္ေတြရဲ႕လူ႕ဂုုဏ္သိကၡါအေပၚယံုုၾကည္ေလးစားမွဳေၾကာင့္ဘဲျဖစ္တယ္။ လြန္ခဲ့တဲ့ဆယ္စုုႏွစ္မ်ားအတြင္းကြ်န္ေတာ္တိုု႔ႏွစ္နိုုင္ငံဟာ သူစိမ္းေတြလိုုျဖစ္ခဲ့ၾကတယ္။ ဒါေပမဲ့ဒီေန႔ကြ်န္ေတာ္ေျပာနိုုင္တာကကြ်န္ေတာ္တိုု႔ဟာဒီနိုုင္ငံရဲ႕ျပည္သူေတြအေပၚ မွာအျမဲတမ္းေမွ်ာ္လင့္ခ်က္ထားေနတံုုးပါဘဲ။ ခင္ဗ်ားတိုု႔အတြက္ေပါ့။ ခင္ဗ်ားတိုု႔က ေမွ်ာ္လင့္ခ်က္ေတြေပးခဲ့တယ္။ ကြ်န္ေတာ္တိုု႔ကခင္ဗ်ားတိုု႔ရဲ႕သတၱိကိုုအသိအမွတ္ျပဳအားေပးခဲ့တယ္။

ကြ်န္ေတာ္နိုုင္ငံအေရးလွဳပ္ရွားသူေတြအျဖဴေရာင္ဝတ္စံုုေတြဝတ္ျပီး သူတိုု႔ရဲ႔နိုုင္ငံေရးအက်ဥ္းသားေတြကိုု တနဂၤေႏြ ေန႔မွာေတြ႔ြ တာသိသလိုု၊ ဘုုန္းေတာ္ၾကီးေတြအဝါေရာင္ဝတ္စံုုေတြနဲ႔ျငိမ္းခ်မ္းစြာဆႏၵျပတာကိုုလဲေတြ႔ခဲ့ပါတယ္။ သာမန္အရပ္သားေတြကိုုယ္ထူကိုုယ္ထလုုပ္ျပီးဆိုုင္ကလံုုးမုုန္တိုုင္းဒါဏ္ခံရတဲ့ေနရာေတြမွာကူညီေထာက္ပံ့ခဲ့တာ ေတြ ၊ ေက်ာင္းသားေတြရဲ႕အသံေတြ၊ ဟစ္ေဟာ့အနုုပညာရွင္ေတြရဲ႕လြတ္လပ္ေရးရရွိဖိုု႔ေတးသံေတြကိုုၾကားသိရ ပါတယ္။ ျပည္ပမွာအေျခခ်ေနထိုုင္တဲ့နိုုင္ငံေရးလုုပ္ေနသူေတြ နဲ႔ ဒုုကၡသည္ေတြဟာသူတိုု႔နိုုင္ငံနဲ႔ဘယ္တံုုးက မွ အဆက္အသြယ္မျပတ္ခဲ့ဘူးဆိုုတာလဲကြ်န္ေတာ္တိုု႔သိရွိပါတယ္။ ထိုု႔အျပင္ကြ်န္ေတာ္တိုု႔ဟာအလြန္သူရသတၱိရွိ ျပီးေလးစားထိုုက္တဲ့ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုုၾကည္ရဲ႕ႏွိဳးေဆာ္မွဳေၾကာင့္နဲ႔သူမရဲ႕သက္ေသျပခ်က္ျဖစ္တဲ့ဘယ္လူသားကိုု မဆိုု သူ႔ႏွလံုုးသားထဲမွာေတာက္ေလာင္ေနတဲ့ယံုုၾကည္ခ်က္ေၾကာင့္ အက်ဥ္းက်မခံသင့္ဘူးဆိုုတာကိုုလက္ခံတယ္။

ကြ်န္ေတာ္သမတအျဖစ္ရံုုးတက္ရတဲ့အခါ ၊ ကြ်န္ေတာ္က လူေတြကိုုအေၾကာက္တရားနဲ႔အုုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ေနတဲ့အစိုုးရ ေတြကိုုအေၾကာင္းၾကားလိုုက္တယ္၊ ကြ်န္ေတာ္ရဲ႕သမတအျဖစ္က်မ္းၾကိမ္ပြဲမွာ -“ခင္ဗ်ားတိုု႔ရဲ႕ဆုုပ္ထားတဲ့လက္ေတြကိုုဖြင့္လိုုက္မယ္ဆိုုရင္ ကြ်န္ေတာ္တိုု႔ကလက္ကမ္းဖိုု႔အဆင္သင့္ပါဘဲ” လိုု႔ေျပာခဲ့ပါတယ္။ ခင္ဗ်ားတိုု႔နိုုင္ငံမွာလြန္ခဲ့တဲ့တႏွစ္ခြဲေလာက္အတြင္းမထင္မွတ္တဲ့ေျပာင္းလဲမွဳေတြစတင္လာခဲ့ပါတယ္။ အာဏာရွင္အေနနဲ႔ႏွစ္ငါးဆယ္ေလာက္ဖိႏွိပ္အုုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ထားမွဳဟာေလ်ာ့က်လာခဲ့ပါျပီ။ သမတဦးသိန္းစိန္လက္ ထက္မွာေျပာင္းလဲခ်င္တဲ့စိတ္ဓါတ္ဟာျပဳျပင္ေျပာင္းလဲေရးဆိုုတဲ့လုုပ္ငန္းစဥ္နဲ႔လာျပီးကိုုက္ညီေနခဲ့ပါတယ္။ အရပ္သားေတြဟာအခုုအစိုုးရကိုုဦးေဆာင္ေနပါျပီ ၊ ထိုု႔အျပင္ပါလီမန္ကလဲသူ႔လုုပ္ပိုုင္ခြင့္နဲ႔ သူရွိ ေနပါျပီ။ တခ်ိန္ကမတရားသင္းျဖစ္ခဲ့တဲ့အမ်ိဳးသားဒီမိုုကေရစီအဖြဲ႔ခ်ဳပ္ဟာေရြးေကာက္ပြဲကိုုဝင္နိုုင္ခဲ့ျပီး၊ေအာင္ဆန္းစုုၾကည္ ဟာလဲပါလီမန္ထဲမွာအမတ္တေယာက္ျဖစ္ေနပါျပီ။ ရာေပါင္းမ်ားစြာေသာနိုုင္ငံေရးအက်ဥ္းသားမ်ားလဲ လြတ္ ေျမာက္လိုု႔လာခဲ့ျပီး ၊ အတင္းအဓမၼလုုပ္အားေပးခိုုင္းေစမွဳေတြကိုုလဲပိတ္ပင္ခဲ့ပါတယ္။ တိုုင္းရင္းသားလက္နက္ ကိုုင္တပ္ဖြဲ႔ေတြနဲ႔ယာယီအပစ္အခတ္ရပ္စဲမွဳေတြလုုပ္ျပီး၊ ပိုုမိုုပြင့္လင္းတဲ့စီးပြါးေရးအရလိုုအပ္တဲ့ဥပေဒ အသစ္ ေတြကိုုလဲျပဒါန္းနိင္ခဲ့ပါတယ္။

ဒီကေန႔ကြ်န္ေတာ္ဟာဂတိအတိုုင္းမိတ္ေဆြအျဖစ္လက္ကမ္းၾကိဳဆိုုခဲ့ပါတယ္၊ ရန္ကုုန္မွာအေမရိကန္ဆိုုင္ရာသံအ မတ္ၾကီးရွိေနပါျပီ၊ စီးပြါးေရးပိတ္ဆိုု႔မွဳေတြကိုုလဲေလ်ာ့ခ်လိုုက္ပါျပီ၊ ျပည္သူေတြအတြက္အက်ိဳးရွိမဲ့အခြင့္အလန္းရွိ ေစမဲ့ စီးပြါးေရးအကူအညီေတြကိုုလဲေပးသြားျပီးကမၻာ့တိုုးတက္ၾကီးပြားေရးအတြက္တြန္းအားၾကီးတရပ္ျဖစ္ဖိုု႔ ရည္ရြယ္ပါတယ္။ ဒီမွတ္တမ္းတင္ေလာက္တဲ့ခရီးလမ္းဟာအခုုမွအစဘဲရွိပါေသးတယ္။ ဒီထက္အလွမ္းေဝး စြာသြားရအံုုးမွာျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ အေပၚပိုုင္းအေဆာက္အအံုုကစလိုုက္တဲ့ျပဳျပင္ေျပာင္းလဲမွဳဟာေအာက္ေျခလူထုု အဖြဲ႔အစည္းေတြရဲ႕သေဘာထားလိုုလားမွဳေတြနဲ႔ဆက္စပ္မွဳရွိေနဖိုု႔လိုုပါတယ္။ ကြ်န္ေတာ္တိုု႔ ျမင္ခဲ့ရတဲ့ တဒဂၤ ျဖစ္ေပၚလာတဲ့တိုုးတက္မွဳ မီးပြါးေလးဟာျငိမ္းမသြားသင့္ဘူး။ ပိုုျပီး အင္အားေကာင္းလာေအာင္ ျပဳစုု ပ်ိဳးေထာင္ ေပးဖိုု႔လိုုတယ္၊ ေတာက္ပေနတဲ့ ေတာင္ပိုုင္းၾကယ္ (ဓူဝံၾကယ္) ၾကီးလိုုျပည္သူေတြအားလံုုးအတြက္ျဖစ္ ေစရမယ္။

ခင္ဗ်ားတိုု႔ရဲ႕ဒီကိစၥအတြက္ေအာင္ျမင္ေအာင္ၾကိဳးစားမွဳဟာအေမရိကန္နိုုင္ငံအတြက္အေရးၾကီးသလိုုကြ်န္ေတာ့ အတြက္လဲအေရးၾကီးပါတယ္။ ကြ်န္ေတာ္တိုု႔ဟာမတူညီတဲ့ေနရာကလာၾကေပမဲ့့ ကိုုယ္ၾကိဳက္တဲ့ေခါင္း ေဆာင္ ကိုုေရြးခ်ယ္ႏိုုင္မွဳ၊ ျငိမ္းခ်မ္းစြာအတူယဥ္တြဲေနထိုုင္လိုုမွဳ၊ ပညာသင္္ျပီးေကာင္းမြန္စြာေနထိုုင္နိုုင္ဖိုု႔၊ ကိုုယ့္မိ သားစုုနဲ႔ကိုုယ့္လူ႔ပတ္ဝန္းက်င္ ကိုုခ်စ္ျမတ္နိုုးမွဳစတဲ့တူညီတဲ့အိပ္မက္ေတြကိုုညီတူညီမွ်၊ မွ်ေဝေနၾကတဲ့သူေတြပါ။

ဒါေၾကာင့္လြတ္လပ္ျခင္းဆိုုတာ ရုုပ္အေကာင္အထည္မရွိတဲ့အေတြးအေခၚမဟုုတ္ဘဲ၊ လြတ္လပ္ျခင္း ဆိုုတာလူသားေတြကိုုတိုုးတက္ေအာင္ျပဳလုုပ္ေပးတဲ့အရာျဖစ္တယ္၊ မဲေပးတဲ့ပံုုးတခုုသက္သက္ မဟုုတ္ ဘဲကြ်န္ေတာ္တိုု႔ရဲ႕ေန႔စဥ္ဘဝနဲ႔သက္ဆိုုင္တယ္။

ကြ်န္ေတာ္တိုု႔ရဲ႕အၾကီးျမတ္ဆံုုးသမတၾကီးဖရင့္ကလင္ရိုု႕စဘဲအမွန္တရားကိုုသိတယ္။ သူကအေမရိကန္ အေရးဟာမဲေပးခြင့္တခုုထဲထက္ပိုုတယ္လိုု႔ေျပာခဲ့တယ္။ သူကဒီမိုုကေရစီဆိုုတာကိုုယ္ၾကိဳက္တဲ့လူကိုုေရြး တာသက္သက္မဟုုတ္ဘူး။ သူဟာကမၻာကိုုအေျခခံက်တဲ့လြတ္လပ္ခြင့္အခ်က္ၾကီး ၄ခ်က္ ကိုု လက္ခံဖိုု႔ တိုုက္တြန္းခဲ့တယ္။ ဒါေတြကေတာ့ ၊ လြတ္လပ္စြာေျပာဆိုုခြင့္၊ လြတ္လပ္စြာကိုုးကြယ္ပိုုင္ခြင့္၊ လြတ္လပ္ စြာရယူပိုုင္ခြင့္၊ နဲ႔ ေၾကာက္လန္႔ကင္းကြာေနထိုုင္နိုုင္ခြင့္တိုု႔ဘဲျဖစ္တယ္။ ဒီအခ်က္ၾကီးေလးခ်က္ ဟာတခုု ကိုုတခုုၾကံခိုုင္မွဳကိုုုျဖစ္ေစပါတယ္။ ခင္ဗ်ားတိုု႔ဟာဒီအခ်က္ေတြအားလံုုးကိုုသေဘာမေပါက္ဘဲနဲ႔ဘယ္ တခုုကိုုမွသေဘာေပါက္နိုုင္မွာမဟုုတ္ဘူး။

ဒီအေၾကာင္းေတြဟာကြ်န္ေတာ္တိုု႔အားလံုုးအနာဂါတ္အတြက္ရွာေဖြေနၾကတာျဖစ္တယ္၊ ေနာက္ျပီးျပည္သူေတြအတြက္လဲျဖစ္တယ္။ ဒါေၾကာင့္ဒီအေၾကာင္းကိုုခင္ဗ်ားတိုု႔ကိုုဒီေန႔မွာေျပာျပခ်င္တယ္။

ပထမ၊ ကြ်န္ေတာ္တိုု႔ဟာလြတ္လပ္စြာကိုုယ့္ဆႏၵကိုုထုုတ္ေဖၚခြင့္ရွိတယ္ဆိုုတာကိုုယံုုၾကည္ရမယ္။ ဒါမွသာသာမန္ျပည္သူေတြရဲ႕အသံကိုုၾကားရမွာျဖစ္တယ္။ အဲဒီအခါအစိုုးရကျပည္သူရဲ႕ဆႏၵကိုုတံုု႔ျပန္ရမယ္။ ဒါဟာျပည္သူ႔ဆႏၵဘဲ။

အေမရိကန္မွာရာစုုႏွစ္၂ ဆက္ေက်ာ္ ကြ်န္ေတာ္တိုု႔ဟာျပည္သူေတြအတြက္ဒီဂတိကိုုေစာင့္ထိန္းနိုုင္ဖိုု႔ အလုုပ္ ေတြလုုပ္ခဲ့ၾကတယ္။ ကြ်န္ျပဳသူေတြထံကကြ်န္ဘဝကလြတ္ေျမာက္ေအာင္လုုပ္ခဲ့ၾကတယ္။ မိန္းမေတြနဲ႔ အေမရိကန္လူမဲေတြမဲေပးခြင့္ရေအာင္နဲ႔ အလုုပ္သမားေတြရဲ႕အဖြဲ႔အစည္းဖြဲ႔စည္းနိုုင္ခြင့္ကိုုကာကြယ္ ေပးနိုုင္ခဲ့တယ္။

ကြ်န္ေတာ္တိုု႔ႏွစ္နိုုင္ငံလံုုးဟာဒီအခ်က္ေတြအားလံုုးကိုုမတူညီတဲ့ကိုုယ့္နည္းကိုုယ့္ဟန္နဲ႔ရယူနိုုင္ခဲ့ၾကတယ္။ ဒါေပမဲ့သံသယမရွိနိုုင္တဲ့အခ်က္ကေတာ့ျပည္သူ႔အားလံုုးရဲ႕ေထာက္ခံမွဳကိုုရယူနိုုင္မယ္ဆိုုရင္ခင္ဗ်ားတိုု႔ႏိုုင္ငံဟာ အင္အားရွိလာမွာအမွန္ပါဘဲ။ ဒါဟာတိုုင္းျပည္ေတြဘယ္လိုုေအာင္ျမင္မွဳကိုုရလာေစတယ္ဆိုုတာကိုုျပတာပါဘဲ။ ဒါေၾကာင့္ဒီျပဳျပင္ေျပာင္းလဲမွဳကဒီအလုုပ္ေတြကိုုစလုုပ္ရမွာျဖစ္တယ္။

ျပည္သူေတြကိုုဖိႏွိပ္ထားျခင္းထက္၊ ျပည္သူေတြရဲ႕စုုေဝးပိုုင္ခြင့္ကိုုအျပည့္အဝေလးစားလိုုက္နာ ခြင့္ ျပဳခဲ့ျခင္း။ အသံတိတ္ေအာင္လုုပ္ထားျခင္းထက္၊ မီဒီယာေတြကိုုဆင္ဆာလုုပ္ပိတ္ပင္ထားျခင္းကိုုဆက္ လက္ျပီး ဖြင့္ေပးလာျခင္း ဆိုုတဲ့ဒီလိုုအခ်က္ေတြကိုုဆက္ျပီးလုုပ္လာလွမ္းလာခဲ့မယ္ဆိုုရင္မိမိကိုုယ္ကိုုတိုုးတက္ လာေစမွာအမွန္ျဖစ္တယ္။ ျပည္သူမ်ားရဲ႕ျမစ္ဆံုုဆည္စီမံကိန္းဆည္တည္ေဆာက္မွဳအေပၚသေဘာထားကိုုလွစ္ လွ်ဴ မရွဳဘဲအသိအမွတ္ျပဳျခင္း၊နိုုင္ငံေရးပါတီေတြကိုုပိတ္ပင္ျပီးတရားမဝင္အသင္းမ်ားေၾကျငာျခင္းထက္ပါဝင္ခြင့္ ေပးျခင္းတိုု႔ကိုုၾကည့္လွ်င္တိုုးတက္လာတာကိုုေတြ႔ရမွာျဖစ္တယ္။ မဲေပးသူတေယာက္ကပါလီမာန္ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲ အတြင္း “ကြ်န္ေတာ့္မိဘဘိုုးဖြားေတြဒီအခ်ိန္ကိုုေစာင့္ခဲ့ၾကပါတယ္ဒါေပမဲ့သူတိုု႔ေတြ႔မသြားရွာဘူး” လိုု႔သူက ေျပာ ခဲ့ပါတယ္။ အခုုခင္ဗ်ားတိုု႔ေတြ႔ၾကံဳရျပီ၊ လြတ္လပ္ျခင္းဆိုတဲ့အရသာကိုုျမီးစမ္းၾကည့္ခြင့္ရျပီ။

ေနာက္ျပီးအာဏာရထားတဲ့သူေတြကမဲဆႏၵရွင္ေတြရဲ႕လြတ္လပ္မွဳကိုုထိန္းခ်ဴပ္ထားမွဳ  မလုုပ္ ဘဲ ကာကြယ္ ရမယ္။ အေမရိကန္ရဲ႕စံနစ္ကဒီလိုုပံုုစံနဲ႔လုုပ္ထားတာျဖစ္တယ္။အျခားဘယ္သူကိုုမွစစ္တပ္ကိုုအမိန္႔ေပးပိုုင္ခြင့္ကိုုေပးမထားဘူး။ သမတအေနနဲ႔ေရာစစ္ဦးစီးခ်ဳပ္အေနနဲ႔ေရာ ကြ်န္ေတာ့မွာတာဝန္ရွိတယ္ဘာေၾကာင့္လဲဆိုုေတာ့ျပည္သူ႔ကိုုတာဝန္ခံထားသူျဖစ္လိုု႔ပါဘဲ။

ေနာက္ျပီးတဖက္ကၾကည့္ရင္လဲသမတျဖစ္ေသာ္လဲကြ်န္ေတာ္လုုပ္ခ်င္တာကိုုလႊတ္ေတာ္မွာဝင္ျပီးစြက္ဖက္လိုု႔မရဘူး။ အေမရိကန္လႊတ္ေတာ္မွာတခါတေလကြ်န္ေတာ္လုုပ္ခ်င္တာေတြျဖစ္ေစခ်င္တယ္လုုပ္နိုုင္ခြင့္ရဖိုု႔ေမွ်ာ္မွန္း ခဲ့ဘူးတယ္။ဥပေဒျပဳအဖြဲ႔မွာသူ႔အာဏာနဲ႔သူရွိတယ္၊ သူ႔လုုပ္ပိုုင္ခြင့္နဲ႔သူရွိတယ္။ ဒါေၾကာင့္သူတိုု႔ကကြ်န္ေတာ့္ အာဏာ ကိုုေစာင့္ၾကည့္စူးစမ္းတယ္၊ အာဏာခ်ိန္ခြင္ကိုုထိန္းေပးတယ္။ ကြ်န္ေတာ္တခ်ိဳ႕တရားသူၾကီး (အဆင့္ျမင့္ဆံုုးဗဟိုုတရားရံုုးတရားသူၾကီးခ်ဳပ္မ်ား – စာေရးသူ) ေတြကိုုခန္႔အပ္ေပးရေပမဲ့ကြ်န္ေတာ္ ကသူတိုု႔ကိုုဘယ္လိုုဆံုုးျဖတ္ ရမယ္ဆိုုတာေျပာပိုုင္ခြင့္မရွိဘူး။ ဘာေၾကာင့္လဲဆိုုေတာ့အေမရိကမွာရွိတဲ့ဆင္းရဲ သားခေလးငယ္ကအစ ကြ်န္ေတာ္အထိ၊ အေမရိကန္သမတအထိ တရားဥပေဒေအာက္မွာတန္းတူဘဲျဖစ္တယ္။ တရားသူၾကီးကလဲကြ်န္ေတာ္ဟာတရားဥပေဒကိုုလိုုက္နာေနသလားခ်ိဳးေဖါက္ေနသလားဘဲၾကည့္တယ္။ ကြ်န္ေတာ္ကလဲတရားဥပေဒကိုုအျပည့္အဝလိုုက္နာတယ္။

ကြ်န္ေတာ္အေမရိကန္စံနစ္ကိုုဘာေၾကာင့္ရွင္းျပရသလဲဆိုုေတာ့ခင္ဗ်ားတိုု႔ရယူခံစားထိုုက္တဲ့အနာဂါတ္ကိုုဘယ္လိုုသြားရမလဲဆိုုတာကိုုသိဖိုု႔အတြက္ဘဲျဖစ္တယ္။ ဒီအနာဂါတ္ဟာယံုုၾကည္ခ်က္ေၾကာင့္အက်ဥ္းက်ေနတဲ့အက်ဥ္း သားတေယာက္ရွိေနရင္ေတာင္သိပ္မ်ားေနျပီးလိုု႔ေျပာရမဲ့ေခတ္ျဖစ္တယ္။ ခင္ဗ်ားတိုု႔အေနနဲ႔တရားဥပေဒဟာဘယ္ေခါင္းေဆာင္တဦးဦးထက္ျဖစ္ျဖစ္ပိုုမိုုမင္အားၾကီးတယ္ဆိုုတဲ့အနာဂါတ္ကိုု ေရာက္ေအာင္သြားၾကရမွာျဖစ္တယ္။ ဘာေၾကာင့္လဲဆိုုေတာ့ဒီအရာဟာျပည္သူေတြကိုုကာကြယ္မွဳေပး ထားလိုု႔ ျဖစ္တယ္။ ခင္ဗ်ားတိုု႔အေနနဲ႔ဘယ္ကေလးသူငယ္မွကေလးစစ္သားမျဖစ္ေစရ၊ ဘယ္မိန္းခေလးမွအခြင့္အေရး ယူ ေခါင္းပံုုျဖတ္ျခင္းမခံရဘဲတရားဥပေဒကသူတိုု႔ဟာအားနည္းသူျဖစ္ေစ၊အင္အားအရွိသူျဖစ္ပေစကာကြယ္မွဳေပးနိုုင္တဲ့အနာဂါတ္ကိုုေရာက္ေအာင္သြားၾကရမွာျဖစ္တယ္။

အနာဂါတ္မွာအမ်ိဳးသားလံုုျခံဳေရးကိုုတပ္မေတာ္ကေစာင့္ေရွာက္ျပီးအရပ္သားအုုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ေရးေအာက္မွာရွိေနသလိုုအ ေျခခံဥပေဒကလဲျပည္သူကေရြးခ်ယ္ေပးလိုုက္သူကသာအုုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ပိုုင္ခြင့္ရွိတယ္ဆိုုတာကိုုအာမခံရလိမ့္မယ္။

ဒီခရီးမွာ၊ အေမရိက ကေနခင္ဗ်ားတိုု႔ေျခလွမ္းတိုုင္းကိုုေထာက္ခံအားေပးသြားမွာျဖစ္တယ္။ ကြ်န္ေတာ္တိုု႔ရဲ႕အကူ အညီ ေထာက္ပံ့မွဳေတြနဲ႔ လြတ္လပ္တဲ့လူ႔ေဘာင္အဖြဲ႔အစည္းေတြကိုုအားေကာင္လာေအာင္ျပဳလုုပ္ေပးသလိုု ခင္ဗ်ားတိုု႔စစ္တပ္ကိုုလဲ ထိေတြ႔ဆက္ဆန္ျပီးတကယ့္ကြ်မ္းက်င္သူေတြ၊ လူအခြင့္အေရးနားလည္သူေတြအျဖစ္ျပဳ စုုပ်ိဳးေထာင္ကူညီသြားမွာျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ခင္ဗ်ားတိုု႔ဒီမိုုကေရစီေရးကိုုပိုုမိုုျမွင့္တင္ျပီးစီးပြါးေရးတိုုးတက္ေအာင္လုုပ္လာတာနဲ႔အမွ်ခင္ဗ်ားတိုု႔နဲ႔လုုပ္ေဖၚကိုုင္ဖက္အျဖစ္လက္တြဲသြားမွာျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ဆက္တိုုးလုုပ္လာတာနဲ႔အမွ်ဒီခရီးဟာခင္ဗ်ားတိုု႔ကိုုဒုုတိယလြတ္လပ္မွုဳကိုုရယူနိုုင္ဖိုု႔ကူညီလမ္းညႊန္ပါလိမ့္မယ္။အဲဒီ ခရီးကေတာ့လူသားတိုုင္းလိုုခ်င္တပ္မက္မွဳမွကင္းေဝးနိုုင္မွဳဘဲျဖစ္ပါတယ္။

အာဏာမဲ့ေတြေနတ့ဲအက်ဥ္းေထာင္နဲ႔အစာအိမ္ေဟာင္းေလာင္းျဖစ္ျပီးငတ္မြတ္ခံစားေနသူေတြနဲ႔အလဲအလွယ္ လုုပ္ျခင္းဟာ မလံုုေလာက္ပါဘူး။ ဒါေပမဲ့သမိုုင္းကေျပာခဲ့ပါတယ္ျပည္သူ႔တင္ေျမွက္ေသာအစိုုးရ။ ျပည္သူမွ သက္ဆင္းလာေသာအစိုုးရ၊ ျပည္သူ႔အတြက္အစိုုးရသည္သာခ်မ္းသာၾကြယ္ဝ ဖြံ႕ျဖိဳးေရးကိုုစြမ္းစြမ္းတမန္ လုုပ္နိုုင္ပါတယ္။ ဒီအခ်က္ဟာကြ်န္ေတာ္တ႔ိုုရွာေဖြေနတဲ့ခင္ဗ်ားတိုု႔နဲ႔လက္တြဲခ်င္တဲ့အရာေတြျဖစ္ပါတယ္။

ရိုုးရိုုးသာမာန္လူတေယာက္ကသူ႔ရဲ႕အနာဂါတ္အေၾကာင္းကိုုေျပာတဲ့အခါသူ႔ေျမကိုုဒီအတိုုင္းသိမ္းယူလိုု႔မရနိုုင္ဘူးလိုု႔ေျပာမွာဘဲ။ ဒါေၾကာင့္ဒီျပဳျပင္ေျပာင္းလဲေရးကိုုေျပာတဲ့အခါဒီနိုုင္ငံကျပည္သူေတြဟာသူတိုု႔ရဲ႕အေျခခံပိုုင္ဆိုုင္ ခြင့္ရွိရပါ့မယ္။ ပိုုင္ဆိုုင္ခြင့္ကိုုအာမခံရပါ့မယ္။ေျမယာပိုုင္ဆိုုင္ခြင့္ကိုုသူေနထိုုင္ရာ၊အလုုပ္လုုပ္ရာေနရာအျဖစ္ေပးရပါ့မယ္။

ထူးခြ်န္သူမ်ားကိုုလုုပ္ပိုုင္ခြင့္မ်ားလႊတ္ေပးလိုုက္တဲ့အခါ၊ လူတိုုင္းအတြက္အခြင့္အေရးမ်ားရရွိလာခဲ့ပါတယ္၊ အေမရိကန္က ကုန္ုပဏီေတြကိုုဒီမွာစီးပြါးေရးမလုုပ္ဖိုု႔ပိတ္ထားတာကေနလႊတ္ေပးလိုုက္သလိုု ခင္ဗ်ားတိုု႔ အစိုုးရကလဲ စီးပြါးေရးရင္းႏွီးျမွဳပ္ႏွံမွုဳမ်ားအေပၚခ်ဳပ္ခ်ယ္ထားမွုုကိုုပယ္ဖ်က္လိုုက္ျပီ၊ ခင္ဗ်ားတိုု႔စီးပြါးေရးကိုုဖြင့္ေပး လိုုက္တဲ့ ေျခလွမ္းကိုု စလိုုက္ျပီ။ ဒါေၾကာင့္ရင္းနီွိးျမွဳပ္ႏွံမွုဳေတြခင္ဗ်ားတိုု႔နယ္နမိတ္ထဲကိုုတိုုးဝင္းလာေနပါျပီ။ ဒီအတြက္ေၾကာင့္လူအမ်ားစီးပြါးေရးအဆင္ေျပလာလိမ့္မယ္လိုု႔ေမွ်ာ္လင့္ပါတယ္။ ဒီကိစၥဟာအထက္ပိုုင္းက လူေတြအတြက္တင္မဟုုတ္ပါဘူးအားလံုုးအတြက္ပါပဲ။ ဒီလိုုစီးပြါးေရးၾကီးထြားဖြံ႔ျဖိဳးလာမွဳမွာလူတိုုင္းအတြက္္ အခြင့္အေရး ရွိပါတယ္၊ ခင္ဗ်ားအေနနဲ႔ၾကိဳးစားလုုပ္ကိုုင္မယ္ဆိုုရင္ခင္ဗ်ားေအာင္ျမင္လာမွာဘဲ။ ဒီအခ်က္ဟာဖြံ႕ျဖိဳးလာတာနဲ႔အမွ် နိုုင္ငံတခုုကိုုလွ်င္ျမန္စြာတိုုးတက္လာေစတဲ့အခ်က္ျဖစ္တယ္။

ဒါေပမဲ့ဒီလိုုတိုုးတက္ဖြံ႕ျဖိဳးလာဖိုု႔ဟာဖန္တီးတဲ့ေနရာမွာအက်င့္ပ်က္ခ်စားမွဳေတြကိုုထားပစ္ခဲ့ရမယ္။ ရင္းႏွီးျမွဳပ္ႏွံမွဳေတြေအာင္ျမင္မွဳရလာနိုုင္ဖိုု႔အတြက္ ျပဳျပင္ေျပာင္းလဲမွဳျဖစ္စဥ္မွာဘဏၰာေငြသံုုးစြဲမွဳျမွင့္ တင္ရာမွာထင္သာျမင္သာရွိျခင္းနဲ႔ စက္မွဳလုုပ္ငန္းမ်ားဟာလဲပုုဂၢလိကပိုုင္မ်ားျဖစ္ဖိုု႔လိုုတယ္။

ဦးေဆာင္တဲ့ေနရာမွာ ဥပမာအားျဖင့္ အေမရိကန္အေနနဲ႔ကြ်န္ေတာ္တိုု႔ကုုန္ပဏီေတြဟာဒီနိုုင္ငံမွာစီးပြါးေရးလုုပ္တဲ့ အခါမွာျမင့္ျမင့္မားမားပြင့္လင္း ျပီး ျမင္သာမွဳ ရွိရမယ္ လိုု႕ညႊန္ၾကားထားခဲ့တယ္။ ေနာက္ျပီးကြ်န္ေတာ္တိုု႔ဟာ ကမၻာ့ဘဏ္နဲ႔လဲပူးတြဲလုုပ္ကိုုင္ေနျပီးစီးပြါးေရးလုုပ္ငန္းရွင္ေလးေတြကိုုအားေပးဖိုု႔နဲ႔စီးပြါးေရးတိုုးတက္လာေအာင္ အားေပးရင္းစီးပြါးေရးလုုပ္ငန္းရွင္ၾကီးမ်ားနဲ႔အေသးစားလုုပ္ငန္းေလးမ်ားဖြံ႔ျဖိဳးေပၚေပါက္လာဖိုု႔အျပင္အလုုပ္သမား ေတြကိုုသူတိုု႔လုုပ္ခမ်ားလုုပ္သမွ်ရၾကဖိုု႔အထိပါဝင္ပါတယ္။ကြ်န္ေတာ္ဟာခင္ဗ်ားတိုု႔အစိုုးရကမၾကာခင္ကကြ်န္ ေတာ္တိုု႔ေခၚတဲ့ “အစိုုးရခ်င္းပြင့္လင္းေသာဆက္ဆံမႈ”လိုု႔ေခၚတဲ့ အုပ္စုကိုုပူးေပါင္းပါဝင္ဖိုု႔ဆံုုးျဖတ္ခဲ့တာကိုု အထူးပဲ လက္ကမ္းၾကိဳဆိုုလိုုက္ပါတယ္။

ဒီလိုုလက္ခံခဲ့တာေၾကာင့္ျပည္သူေတြဟာအစိုုးရဟာတိုုင္းျပည္အတြက္ဘယ္လိုုေငြေၾကးေတြကိုုသံုုးစြဲတယ္၊ဘယ္ ေလာက္သံုုးစြဲတယ္၊ ဘယ္လိုုအုုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ေနတယ္ဆိုုတာေတြကိုုတိတိက်က်သိခြင့္ရၾကမွာျဖစ္တယ္

ဒါ့ထက္ပိုုျပီးရွင္းျပရမယ္ဆိုုရင္ခင္ဗ်ားတိုု႔ရဲ႕အသံေတြကိုုအစိုုးရကၾကားမယ္ဆိုုရင္ခင္းဗ်ားတိုု႔လိုုခ်င္တဲ့အျခခံလိုုအပ္ ခ်က္ရျပီလိုု႔ဆိုုနိုုင္တယ္။ ဒါေၾကာင့္ ျပဳျပင္ေျပာင္းလဲေရးဟာ ေန႔တဓူဝအစာငတ္မြတ္ေနတဲ့သူေတြ၊ ဖ်ားနာေနမေကာင္း ျဖစ္ေနၾကသူေတြ၊ လွ်ပ္စစ္မီးနဲ႔ ေရမရဘဲ ေမွာင္ထဲမွာေနေနရသူေတြရဲ႕အသံေတြကိုုၾကားဖိုု႔ လိုုပါတယ္။ အေမရိက ကခင္ဗ်ားတိုု႔နဲ႔အတူတြဲျပီးဒီအလုုပ္ေတြကိုုလုုပ္သြားပါ့မယ္။

ဒီေန႔ဟာကြ်န္ေတာ္အေနနဲ႔ ဖြံ႕ျဖိဳးေရးမွာဦးေဆာင္ေနတဲ့ေအဂ်င္စီတခုုျဖစ္တဲ့USAID အေမရိကန္ရဲ႕ေထာက္ ပံ့ကူညီမွဳရန္ပုုံေငြ မစ္ရွင္ကိုု ျမန္မာျပည္မွာကိုုျပန္လည္စိုုက္ထူ နိုုင္ခဲ့ တဲ့အတြက္ဂုုဏ္ယူမိပါတယ္။ ခင္ဗ်ားတိုု႔ တိုုင္းျပည္ျပန္လည္ထူေထာင္ေရးကိုုလုုပ္ေနတဲ့လမ္းေၾကာင္း အတိုင္းသြားေနစဥ္အတြင္းအေမရိကန္မွ ခင္ဗ်ားတိုု႔နဲ႔လက္တြဲျပီးယခင္ကအာရွတိုုက္ရဲ႕ဝမ္းဗိုုက္လိုု႔တင္စားရေလာက္ေအာင္ဆန္ေရစပါးေပါမ်ားတဲ့ တုိင္းျပည္ျပန္ျဖစ္လာနိုုင္တဲ့စြမ္းရည္နဲ႔ ျပည္သူေတြကိုုေကြ်းေမြးနိုုင္ေအာင္၊ နာမက်န္းျဖစ္ေနသူေတြကိုု ေဆးကုုသေပး နိုုင္ေအာင္နဲ႔ ဒီမိုုကေရစီအေဆာက္အအံုုမ်ား တည္ေဆာက္ေရးမွာ အင္တိုုက္အားတိုုက္ ကူညီသြားမွာျဖစ္ပါတယ္။

ဒီနိုုင္ငံဟာသဘာဝရင္းျမစ္ေပါၾကြယ္ဝမွဳမွာ နာမည္ႀကီးပါတယ္၊ ဒီသဘာဝရင္းျမစ္ေတြကိုုေခါင္းပံုုျဖတ္အျမတ္ ထုုတ္ျခင္းမွ ထိမ္းသိမ္းေစာင့္ေရွာက္ရ မွာျဖစ္တယ္။  ကြ်န္ေတာ္တိုု႔အားလံုုး သတိရဖိုု႔ ကမၻာစီးပြါးေရးမွာနိုုင္ငံရဲ႕ အဓိကရင္းျမစ္ဟာ လူသားရင္းျမစ္ ျပည္သူေတြဘဲျဖစ္တယ္။ ဒါေၾကာင့္ ခင္ဗ်ားတိုု႔အေပၚမွာ ရင္းႏွီးျမွဳပ္ႏွံမွဳဟာ တိုုင္း ျပည္အတြက္ၾကီးပြါးခ်မ္းသာေရးတံခါးကိုုဖြင့္လိုုက္တာနဲ႔အတူတူပါဘဲ။ ဘာေၾကာင့္လဲဆိုုေတာ့တိုုင္းျပည္ရဲ႕အရည္ အေသြးဟာ သူ႔ျပည္သူေတြကို အင္အားရွိလာေအာင္လုုပ္ေပးျခင္းသာျဖစ္တယ္။ အထူးသျဖင့္လူငယ္ေတြပါပဲ။

ပညာေရးဟာအေမရိကန္ႏိုုင္ငံရဲ႕အနာဂတ္ရဲ႕ေသာ့ခ်က္ျဖစ္တယ္။ ဒီလိုပဲ ခင္ဗ်ားတိုု႔ရဲ႕အနာဂါတ္ရဲ႕ေသာ့ခ်က္လည္း ျဖစ္တယ္။ ခငိဗ်ားတိုု႔နဲ႔ေရွ႕ဆက္ၿပီး အတူတူတြဲလုုပ္ၾကဖိုု႔ ရွိပါတယ္။ ခင္ဗ်ားတိုု႔ရဲ႕အိမ္နီးခ်င္းမ်ားနဲ႔လည္း ပူးတြဲၿပီး ဒီအခြင့္အေရးကိုုအသံုုးခ်ၿပီး ေက်ာင္းသားမ်ားအခ်င္းခ်င္း ပညာေရးဖလွယ္ၾကတာေတြ၊ ေနာက္ကြ်န္ေတာ္တိုု႔ အေနနဲ ႔ဒီနိုုင္ငံကေက်ာင္းသားေတြ အေမရိကန္ကိုလာျပီးကြ်န္ေတာ္တိုု႔ဆီမွာေလ့လာသလိုု၊ အေမရိကန္က ေက်ာင္းသားေတြကလည္း ဒီနိုုင္ငံကိုုလာျပီးေလ့လာသင္ယူတာကိုုလိုုလားပါတယ္။

ထိုုအမွန္တရားဟာကြ်န္ေတာ္ကိုုတတိယလြပ္လပ္ခြင့္ကိုုဦးတည္ေစပါတယ္။ ဒီအခ်က္ကိုုကြ်န္ေတာ္ ေဆြးေႏြး လိုုပါတယ္၊ လြတ္လပ္စြာကိုုးကြယ္ပိုုင္ခြင့္၊ ဘယ္ဘာသာကိုုမဆိုုသင္လြတ္လပ္စြာကိုုးကြယ္နိုုင္ပါတယ္၊ ခင္ဗ်ား တိုု႔ရဲ႕အေျခခံအခြင့္အေရးျဖစ္တဲ့လူ႕ဂုုဏ္ သိကၡာတခုုျဖစ္ပါတယ္။

ဒီနိုုင္ငံဟာကြ်န္ေတာ့နိုုင္ငံလိုုဘဲလူမ်ိဳးေပါင္းစံုုေနထိုုင္တဲ့ႏိုုင္ငံျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ လူေတြဟာတေယာက္နဲ႔တေယာက္ အသြင္အျပင္မတူၾကဘူး၊ ဘယ္သူကမွနယ္ေျမတခုုထဲကလာၾကတာမဟုုတ္ဘူး၊ ဘယ္သူမွတူညီတဲ့ကိုုးကြယ္ မွဳကိုုမျပဳၾကဘူး၊ ခင္ဗ်ားတို႔ျမိဳ႕ေတြ ၊ျမိဳ႕ေလး ေတြမွာဘုုရားပုုထိုုးေတြ၊ ဘုုန္းၾကီး ေက်ာင္းေတြ ၊ ေမာ့စ္ေတြ၊ ခ်ပ္ဘုုရား ေက်ာင္းေတြဟာတခုုနဲ႔တခုုေဘးတိုုက္ကပ္လွ်က္တည္ရွိေနၾကတယ္၊ ရာေက်ာ္ရွိေနတဲ့လူမ်ိဳးစုု ေတြဟာခင္ဗ်ားတိုု႔နိုုင္ငံရဲ႕သမိုုင္းတခုုျဖစ္ပါတယ္၊ ဒီနိုုင္ငံအဝန္းအဝိုုင္းထဲမွာဘဲ  ကမၻာအရွည္ၾကာ ဆံုုးပုုန္ ကန္ဆူပူမွဳဟာလဲရွိေနခဲ့ပါတယ္။ ဒီလိုုျဖစ္ပ်က္ေနတာေၾကာင့္ မေရမတြက္နိုုင္တဲ့လူ႔အသက္ေပါင္းမ်ားစြာဆံုုးရွံဳးခဲ့ရသလိုု၊ မိသားစုုမ်ားစြာလဲျပိဳကြဲ ပ်က္စီးခဲ့ၾကရတယ္၊ ဒီအခ်က္ကတိုုင္းျပည္တိုးတက္ဖြံ႕ျဖိဳးေရးလမ္း မွာအတား အစီးျဖစ္ေနခဲ့တယ္။

ဘယ္လိုုျပဳျပင္ေျပာင္းလဲေရးကမွအမ်ိဳးသားျပန္လည္သင့္ျမတ္ေရးမရွိဘဲလုုပ္လိုု႔မရနိုုင္ဘူး၊ (လက္ခုုပ္သံမ်ား) ခင္ဗ်ားတိုု႔ဟာအခုုအခ်ိန္မွာအလြန္ေကာင္းမြန္တဲ့အခြင့္အလန္းကိုုရရွိထားတယ္၊ ဒါကေတာ့အျပစ္အခတ္စဲေရး ကေနခိုုင္ျမဲတဲ့သေဘာတူညီမွဳကိုုရရွိဘိုု႔ဘဲျဖစ္တယ္။ ျငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးရရွိဖိုု႔ၾကိဳးစားၾကတဲ့ေနရာမွာပ႗ိပကၡေတြဆက္ ျဖစ္ေနတဲ့ကခ်င္ျပည္နယ္၊လဲျငိမ္းခ်မ္းဖိုု႔လိုုတယ္။ ဒီလိုုေရရွည္ျငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးရဖိုု႔ၾကိဳးစားေဆာင္ရြက္ရာမွာလူလူခ်င္း စာနာေထာက္ထားေရးအကူအညီေတြ ကိုုလိုုအပ္ေနသူေတြကိုုေပးဖိုု႔နဲ႔ ထြက္ေျပးတိမ္းေရွာင္ေနရသူေတြကိုုသူတိုု႔ ေနရာ ေဒသေတြမွာျပန္လည္ေနရာခ်ထားေပးဖိုု႔လိုုတယ္။

ဒီေန႔ရခိုုင္ျပည္နယ္မွာျဖစ္ေနတဲ့အၾကမ္းဖက္မွဳေတြကိုုၾကည့္တဲ့အခါဒုုကၡမ်ိဳးစံုုခံစားေနရတာေတြေတြ႔ေနရတယ္၊ ေနာက္ျပီးဆက္လက္ျပီးတင္းမာမွဳေတြရွိေနတဲ့အႏၱရာယ္ေတြကိုုလဲျမင္ေနရတယ္၊ ႏွစ္ေပါင္းမ်ားစြာဒီျပည္နယ္မွာ ရခိုုင္လူမ်ိဳးေတြအပါအဝင္ျပည္နယ္သားေတြဟာဆင္းရဲမြဲေတမွဳေတြနဲ႔အေရးယူအ ျပစ္ေပးမွဳေတြၾကားမွာ ခြ်တ္ျခြဳံ က်သြားခဲ့ရတယ္။ ဒါေပမဲ့အျပစ္မဲ့တဲ့သူေတြအေပၚမွာအၾကမ္းဖက္လုုပ္ရပ္မ်ားကိုုေတာ့ဘယ္ အေၾကာင္းျပခ်က္ နဲ႔မွလက္မခံနိုုင္ဘူး။ ရိုုဟင္ဂ်ာေတြဟာရပ္တည္ခဲ့တယ္၊ခင္ဗ်ားတိုု႔သိကၡာရွိရွိ ရပ္တည္ သလိုုသူတိုု႔လဲရပ္တည္ ခဲ့တယ္၊ ကြ်န္ေတာ္လဲရပ္တည္ခဲ့တယ္။

အမ်ိဳးသားရင္ၾကားေစ့ေရးဟာအခ်ိန္ယူရပါလိမ့္မယ္၊ ဒါေပမဲ့လူလူခ်င္းစာနာေထာက္ထားတဲ့ရွဳေဒါင့္ကေန ျပီး ဒီတိုုင္းျပည္ အနာဂါတ္အတြက္ ၾကည့္ရင္ အၾကမ္းဖက္မွဳလုုပ္ရပ္ေတြနဲ႔ လွံဳေဆာ္မွဳေတြကိုုရပ္ဖိုု႔သင့္ပါတယ္။ ကြ်န္ေတာ့္အေနနဲ႔အစိုုးရက တရားမွ်တမွဳမရွိတာေတြ၊  တာဝန္ယူမွဳေတြ နဲ႔လူသားခ်င္းစာနာေထာက္ထားမွဳရရွိဖိုု႔ ေတြ အျပင္နိုုင္ငံသားကိစၥကအစထုုတ္ေဖၚေျပာဆိုုမွုဳအတြက္ၾကိဳဆိုုပါတယ္။ ဒါဟာခင္ဗ်ားတိုု႔ ေရွ႕တိုုးလုုပ္သ ေလာက္ ကမၻာၾကီးကေထာက္ခံအား ေပးမဲ့အျမင္က်ယ္မွဳ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။

နိုုင္ငံတိုုင္းဟာနိုုင္ငံသားျဖစ္မွဳကိစၥကိုုအျမဲေျဖရွင္းေနရတယ္၊ အေမရိကမွာလဲဒီကိစၥဟာအၾကီးအက်ယ္ျငင္းခုုန္ေန ရတဲ့ အေၾကာင္းအရာၾကီးျဖစ္ေနစဲျဖစ္တယ္။ ယေန႔အထိ ဆက္ျပီးရွိေနတယ္။ ဘာေၾကာင့္လဲဆိုုေတာ့ကြ်န္ေတာ္တိုု႔ ဟာေရြ႕ေျပာင္းအေျခခ်လာ သူမ်ားစုုေပါင္း တည္ ေထာင္ထားတဲ့နိုုင္ငံျဖစ္ေနတဲ့အတြက္ေၾကာင့္ဘဲျဖစ္တယ္။ လူေတြဟာကမၻာ့ေနရာ မ်ိဳးစံုုကေနလာၾကတယ္၊ ကြ်န္ေတာ္တိုု႔အေမရိကမွာ ဘာကိုုသင္ၾကားေလ့လာမိသလဲ ဆိုုေတာ့ တခ်ိဳ႕အေျခခံမူေတြဟာလူသားအား လံုုးနဲ႔သက္ဆိုုင္တယ္ဆိုုတာေတြ႔ရတယ္၊ ဘာဘဲျဖစ္ျဖစ္ခင္ဗ်ား ဘယ္မွာ ေနတယ္၊ ဘယ္ကလာတယ္၊ဘယ္ ဘာသာ ကိုုကိုုးကြယ္တယ္၊ ဆိုုတာအေရးမၾကီးဘူး။ လူတိုုင္းဟာ လြတ္လပ္စြာေနထိုုင္နိုုင္ခြင့္ရွိရမယ္။ ခ်ိမ္းေျခာက္ခံရ မွဳမရွိဘဲမိသားစုုႏွင့္အတူေနထိုုင္နိုုင္ခြင့္၊ ခင္ဗ်ားဟာ ဘယ္ သူျဖစ္လိုု႔ဘယ္ေနရာက လာလိုု႔ ဆိုုတဲ့အတြက္ေၾကာင့္ခင္ဗ်ားေနအိမ္ကိုုမီးရွိဳ႕ခံရျခင္းမရွိေစရဘူး၊

ခင္ဗ်ားတိုု႔နိုုင္ငံသားေတြကသာခင္ဗ်ားတိုု႔ရဲ႕ျပည္ေထာင္စုုၾကီးကိုုအဓိပၺါယ္ေဖၚတည္ေထာင္နိုုင္မွာျဖစ္တယ္၊ ဒီနိုုင္ငံရဲ႕နိုုင္ငံသားဆိုုတာဘယ္လိုုအဓိပၺါယ္ဖြင့္ဆိုုမလဲ။ ကြ်န္ေတာ့မွာယံုုၾကည္မွဳရွိပါတယ္၊အကယ္၍ခင္ဗ်ားတိုု႔ ဒီအခ်က္ေတြကိုုလိုုက္နာလုုပ္ေဆာင္ၾကမယ္ဆိုုရင္အမ်ိဳးမ်ိဳးကြဲျပားျခားနားမွဳ မ်ား ဟာအင္အားျဖစ္တယ္ အားနဲ ေပ်ာ့ညံ့တာမဟုုတ္ဘူးလိုု႔လက္ခံခဲ့မယ္ဆိုုရင္ခင္ဗ်ားတိုု႔တိုုင္းျပည္ဟာပိုုမိုုအားေကာင္းလာမွာအမွန္ျဖစ္တယ္ဘာ ေၾကာင့္လဲဆိုုေတာ့မတူညီတဲ့ယဥ္ေက်းမွဳေတြမ်ားျပားစြာတည္ရွိေနလိုု႔ဘဲျဖစ္တယ္။ ဒါေပမဲ့ခင္ဗ်ားတိုု႔ဟာ  ဒီအခြင့္ အေရးကိုုအမိအရဖမ္းနိုုင္ဖိုု႔လိုုတယ္။ ဒီအင္အားကိုုအသိအမွတ္ျပဳဖိုု႔လိုုတယ္။

ကြ်န္ေတာ္ဘာေၾကာင့္ဒီလိုုေျပာရသလဲဆိုုေတာ့ကြ်န္ေတာ့နိုုင္ငံနဲ႔ကြ်န္ေတာ့အေတြ႔အၾကံဳအရမတူကြဲျပားေနတဲ့လုူ႔အဖြဲ႔အစည္းရဲ႕စြမ္းအားကိုုသိရွိခဲ့ပါတယ္။  အေမရိကန္နိုုင္ငံဟာခရစ္ယန္ေတြ ၊ ဂ်ဴးေတြ၊  မြတ္ဆလင္ေတြ၊ ဗုုဒၶဘာသာဝင္ေတြ၊ ဟိႏၵူဴေတြ၊ ဘာသာမဲ့ေတြ တိုု႔ရဲ႕နိုုင္ငံျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ကြ်န္ေတာ္တိုု႔ရဲ႕သမိုုင္းဟာဘာသာ စကား မ်ိဳးစံုုနဲ႔ပံုုေဖၚထားခဲ့ပါတယ္၊ ယဥ္ေက်းမွဳမ်ားေပါင္းစံုုထားတဲ့ၾကြယ္ဝမွဳရွိပါတယ္၊ ကြ်န္ေတာ္တိုု႔မွာကမၻာ့ေဒါင့္ စံုုကလူမ်ိဳးစံုုရွိပါတယ္၊ ကြ်န္ေတာ္တိုု႔ဟာျပည္တြင္းစစ္ နဲ႔ လူလူခ်င္းခြဲျခားဆက္ဆံမွဳ ရဲ႕ခါးသည္းမွဳကိုုလည္း ျမည္း စမ္းခဲ့ရဘူးပါတယ္၊ ဒါေပမဲ့ကြ်န္ေတာ္တိုု႔သမိုုင္းကလူသားခ်င္းမုုန္းတီးမွဳဟာ ပယ္ ဖ်က္လိုု႔ရျပီးလူမ်ိဳးစုုေတြနဲ႔ တိုုင္းရင္းမ်ိဳးႏြယ္ေတြၾကားမွာစည္းျခားမွဳဟာလဲေမွးမွိန္သြားခဲ့ပါတယ္။ ဘာက်န္ခဲ့သလဲဆိုုေတာ့ရိုုးသားတဲ့အမွန္ တရားဘဲက်န္ခဲ့ပါတယ္။ ဒါကိုုအေမရိကမွာ epluribusunum လိုု႔ေခၚတယ္။  လူေတြအမ်ားၾကီး ၾကားမွာ ကြ်န္ေတာ္တိုု႔ဟာတနိုုင္ငံထဲဘဲျဖစ္သလိုုလူတမ်ိဳးထဲဘဲျဖစ္တယ္၊ ဒီအမွန္တရားကအၾကိမ္ၾကိမ္အခ်ိန္နဲ႔အမွ် ကြ်န္ေတာ္တိုု႔ျပည္ေထာင္စုုၾကီးကိုုအင္အားၾကီးေစခဲ့တယ္။ ဒီအခ်က္ဟာကြ်န္ေတာ္တိုု႔ႏိုုင္ငံေတာ္ၾကီး ကိုု အင္အားၾကီးေစခဲ့တယ္။ ဒီအခ်က္ကအေမရိကကိုုၾကီးျမတ္ေစခဲ့တဲ့အခ်က္ထဲကတခုုျဖစ္တယ္။

ကြ်န္ေတာ္တိုု႔ဟာကြ်န္ေတာ္တိုု႔ေလးစားျမတ္နိုုးတဲ့အေျခခံဥပေဒကိုုဒီမိုုကေရစီေဘာင္နဲ႔အညီတိုုးခ်ဲ႕ျပင္ဆင္ခဲ့ တယ္။ ကြ်န္ေတာ္ခင္ဗ်ားတိုု႔ေရွ႕မွာဒီေန႔ကမၻာ့အင္အားအၾကီးဆံုုးနိုုင္ငံရဲ႕သမတအေနနဲ႕ရပ္ေနတယ္၊ ကြ်န္ေတာ္ ဟာတခ်ိန္ကကြ်န္ေတာ့္အသားေပၚကအေရာင္ဟာမဲေပးဖိုု႔ အခြင့္အေရးကို ျငင္းပယ္ခံခဲ့ရတယ္ဆိုုတာကိုု မွတ္မိ ေနခဲ့ပါတယ္။ (ဒါေပမဲ့ယေန႔အခ်ိန္အခါမွာလူမဲတေယာက္ျဖစ္တဲ့ကြ်န္ေတာ္ဟာေမရိကန္သမတျဖစ္ေနပါျပီ လိုု႔ေျပာခ်င္တာပါ- စာေရးသူျဖည့္စြက္ခ်က္) ေျပာခ်င္တာကေတာ့ဒီအခ်က္ေတြဟာခင္ဗ်ားတိုု႔အတြက္အသိတခုုရရွိနိုုင္ပါတယ္၊ ကြ်န္ေတာ္တိုု႔နိုုင္ငံဟာဒီလိုု အေျခအေနမ်ိဳးေရာက္ေအာင္အခက္အခဲေတြကိုုေက်ာ္လႊားနိုုင္ခဲ့ရင္ ခင္ဗ်ားတိုု႔နိုုင္ငံဟာလဲေက်ာ္လႊားနိုုင္မွာပါ။

မည္သည့္လူသားမဆိုု ဒီနိုုင္ငံရဲ႕နယ္နမိတ္အတြင္းမွာေနထိုုင္ေနသူတိုုင္းဟာခင္ဗ်ားတိုု႔ႏိုုင္ငံရဲ႕သမိုုင္းေတြပါဘဲ၊ ဒိလူေတြကိုုေထြးပိုုက္သင့္တယ္လက္ခံသင့္တယ္၊ ဒါဟာအားနည္းေပ်ာ့ညံ့တာမဟုုတ္ဘူး၊ ခင္ဗ်ားတိုု႔လက္ ခံခဲ့မယ္ဆိုုရင္ဒါဟာအားေကာင္းျခင္းဘဲျဖစ္တယ္။

ေနာက္ဆံုုးပိတ္ကြ်န္ေတာ္ ဒီေန႔ေျပာဆိုုေဆြးေႏြးခ်င္တဲ့လြတ္လပ္ျခင္းကေတာ့ လူတိုုင္းေၾကာက္လန္႔ကင္းကြာ ေနထိုုင္နိုုင္ခြင့္ရွိေရးဘဲျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ လူသားေတြနဲ႔သူတိုု႔ရဲ႕ရည္မွန္းခ်က္အိပ္မက္မ်ားၾကားမွာေၾကာက္လန္႔မွဳကရွိ ေနခဲ့တယ္၊ လက္နက္ကိုုင္ပ႗ိပကၡ ကိုုေၾကာက္ရြံ႕ေနမွဳ၊ အတိတ္ကအခက္အခဲေတြေၾကာင့္အနာဂါတ္ ကိုု ေၾကာက္လန္႔ေနမွဳ၊ လူမွဳအဖြဲ႔အစည္းေတြ နဲ႔စီးပြါးေရးျပဳျပင္ေျပာင္းလဲမွဳေတြကိုုေၾကာက္လန္႔ေနမွဳ၊ လူမ်ိဳးခ်င္း အသြင္မတူညီမွဳကိုုေၾကာက္လန္႔ေနမွဳ၊ ဒါမွမဟုုတ္ အျခားေနရာေဒသမွလာသူမ်ားျဖစ္ေနမွဳ၊ မတူညီေသာကိုုး ကြယ္မွဳကိုုျပဳလုုပ္သုူျဖစ္မွဳ တိုု႔ကိုု ေၾကာက္လန္႔ေနမွဳ တိုု႔ရွိေနခဲ့ပါတယ္။ ေအာင္ဆန္းစုုၾကည္ဟာသူမရဲ႕အေမွာင္မိုုက္ဆံုုးျဖစ္တဲ့အက်ဥ္းက်ေနစဥ္အတြင္းေၾကာက္လန္႔ျခင္း မွကင္းကြာေရးဆိုုတဲ့စာကိုုေရးသားခဲ့တယ္။ သူမက “အာဏာလက္လြတ္ဆံုုးရွံဳးရမွာကိုုေၾကာက္တဲ့ အတြက္ အာဏာကိုုင္စြဲထားသူမ်ားဟာေဖါက္ျပန္ၾကတယ္၊ အာဏာရွိသူရဲ႕အျပစ္ဒါဏ္ေပးခံရမွာကိုုေၾကာက္တဲ့ သူ ေတြကလဲသူတိုု႔ကိုုဖိႏွိပ္ထားသူေတြကိုုေဖါက္ျပန္ေစတယ္“လိုု႔ေရးခဲ့တယ္။

ဒီလိုုေၾကာက္လန္႔ေနမွဳေတြကိုု ခင္ဗ်ားတိုု႔ေနာက္မွာထားခဲ့ရမယ္၊ ခင္ဗ်ားတိုု႔ရဲ႕ေခါင္းေဆာင္ေတြအေနနဲ႔ အာဏာဟာျပည္သူေတြကိုုေၾကာက္လန္႔ေစမွဳကလာတာမဟုုတ္ဘူး၊ ျပည္သူေတြရဲ႕အလိုုဆႏၵေတြကိုုျဖည့္ဆည္း ျခင္းမွလာတာ သာျဖစ္တယ္ဆိုုတာကိုုသိျမင္နားလည္လာၾကျပီ ၊ ကြ်န္ေတာ္ျပည္သူေတြထံက ၾကားသိရတာက ဒီတခါေတာ့အျခားအခ်ိန္ေတြနဲ႔မတူေတာ့ဘူးဒီတခါေျပာင္းလဲမွဳဟာဆက္ျ႔ပီးတိုုးတက္သြားမွာဘဲျဖစ္တယ္ဆိုုတာဘဲ။ ေအာင္ဆန္းစုုၾကည္ေရးခဲ့သလိုု “ေၾကာက္လန္႔ျခင္းဟာ ယဥ္ေက်းသိမ္ေမြ႔တဲ့လူသားရဲ႕သဘာဝက်တဲ့ အေနအထား မဟုုတ္ဘူး၊“ ကြ်န္ေတာ္ယံုုတယ္။  ဒီေန႔ခင္ဗ်ားတိုု႔ကဒီနိုုင္ငံမွာ ေၾကာက္လန္႔ျခင္းဟာသဘာဝ က်တဲ့အေန အထား မဟုုတ္ဘူးဆိုုတာကိုုကမၻာကိုုျပသလိုုက္ပါျပီ။

ဒါေၾကာင့္ဒီေနရာကိုုကြ်န္ေတာ္ေရာက္ေနတာျဖစ္တယ္၊ ဒါေၾကာင့္ကြ်န္ေတာ္ရန္ကုုန္ကိုုေရာက္လာတာျဖစ္တယ္၊ ဒါေၾကာင့္ဒီမွာျဖစ္ပ်က္ေနတာေတြဟာအရမ္းကိုုအေရးၾကီးတယ္၊ ဒီေဒသတခုုထဲတြင္မဟုုတ္ပါဘူး၊ ကမၻာတခုုလံုုး အတြက္ပါျဖစ္တယ္၊ ဘာျဖစ္လိုု႔လဲဆိုုေတာ့ခင္ဗ်ားတိုု႔ဟာလူအမ်ားကိုုအားတက္ေစနိုုင္တဲ့ခရီးလမ္းကိုုစတင္ေန ျပီျဖစ္ လိုု႔ပါဘဲ။ ဒါဟာတိုုင္းျပည္တခုုဟာပိုုမိုုေကာင္းမြန္တဲ့ေျပာင္းလဲမွဳကိုုလုုပ္နိုုင္မနိုုင္စမ္းသပ္ခ်က္ဘဲျဖစ္ပါတယ္။

အေမရိကနိုုင္ငံဟာပါစိဖစ္ပင္လယ္မွာရွိတဲ့နိုုင္ငံတနိုုင္ငံျဖစ္တယ္၊ ကြ်န္ေတာ္တိုု႔အေနနဲ႔ဒီတိုုင္းျပည္ေတြနဲ႔ကြ်န္ေတာ္တိုု႔ရဲ႕အေနာက္ဖက္မွာရွိတဲ့ျပည္သူေတြဟာကြ်န္ေတာ္တိုု႔ရဲ႕အနာ ဂါတ္ကိုုပိုုင္စိုုးထားတယ္၊ ကြ်န္ေတာ္တိုု႔စီးပြါးေရးျပန္လည္နလန္ထလာတာနဲ႔ ကြ်န္ေတာ္တိုု႔ရဲ႕စီးပြါးေရးဟာ အရွိန္ အဟုုန္ ၾကီးစြာျမင့္တက္လာမယ္လိုု႔ယံုုၾကည္ထားပါတယ္။ကြ်န္ေတာ္တိုု႔ရပ္စဲလိုုက္တဲ့စစ္ပြဲမ်ားဟာ ကြ်န္ေတာ္တိုု႔  ရဲ႕ နိုုင္ငံၿခားေရးဝါဒအေပၚဆယ္စုုႏွစ္တခုုအထိလႊမ္းမိုုးထားခဲ့ပါတယ္။ ဒီေဒသဟာကြ်န္ေတာ္တိုု႔အတြက္အာရံုုစူး စိုုက္ျပီး၊ ျပီးျပည့္စံုုတဲ့ျငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးတည္ေဆာက္နိုုင္ေအာင္ၾကိဳးစားသြားမွာျဖစ္ပါတယ္။

ဒီအေရွ႕ေတာင္အာရွ ဟာ နိုုင္ငံမ်ားနဲ႔ ျပည္သူမ်ား၊တနိုုင္ငံနဲ႔တနိုုင္ငံ၊ တဦးနဲ႔တဦးပူးေပါင္းလုုပ္ေဆာင္နိုုင္စြမ္းအား ရွိတာကိုုျမင္ေတြ႔ေနရပါတယ္။ သမတတေယာက္အေနနဲ႔ကြ်န္ေတာ္ဟာအာဆီယံကိုုေထြးပိုုက္ၾကိဳဆိုုခဲ့ပါတယ္၊ ကြ်န္ေတာ္ကေလးဘဝငယ္စဥ္ကဒီေဒသထဲကအင္ဒိုုနီးရွားမွာေနခဲ့ဘူးပါတယ္၊ ဒါေၾကာင့္မိုု႔အာဆီယံနဲ႔အတူနိုုင္ငံ မ်ားဟာ ေရြ႔လ်ားလွဳပ္ရွားေနၾကပါျပီ ၊ တိုုးတက္ဖြံ႔ျဖိဳးလာေနေသာနိုုင္ငံမ်ားနဲ႔ ဒီမိုုကေရစီေပၚထြန္းလာေနမွဳေတြ၊ အျပန္အလွန္ပူးေပါင္းေဆာင္ရြက္ေနေသာအစိုုးရေတြ၊ မတူညီကြဲျပားမွဳမ်ားကိုုလက္ခံက်င့္သံုုးတည္ေဆာက္ျခင္း ျဖင့္တိုုးတက္လာမွဳမ်ားေၾကာင့္ပင္လယ္မ်ား၊ကြ်န္းမ်ား၊ ေတာေတာင္မ်ား၊ျမိဳ႕ျပမ်ား၊နဲ႔မည္သည့္ဘာသာ၊မည္သည့္ လူမ်ိဳးကိုုမဆိုုဆက္သြယ္မွဳရွိေနၾကျပီးျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ကြ်န္ေတာ္တိုု႔ဟာမတူညီမွဳေတြကိုုေဘးမွာဖယ္ထားလိုုက္ျပီးေရွ႕ကိုုေျခတလွမ္းတိုုးျပီးအျပန္အလွန္္ေလးစားမွဳ၊ အျပန္အလွန္အက်ိဳးရွိတယ္ဆိုုတဲ့အျမင္နဲ႔ၾကည့္ျပီးလုုပ္မယ္ဆိုုရင္ဒါဟာ၂၁ရာစုု ကိုုဘယ္လိုုပံုုေဖၚျ႔ပီးျမင္နိုုင္ သလဲဆိုုတာေတြ႔နိုုင္ပါတယ္။

ကြ်န္ေတာ္အခုုရန္ကုုန္မွာပါ၊ ကြ်န္ေတာ္အာရွတိုုက္တခုုလံုုးကိုုျဖတ္ျပီးသတင္းစကားပါးခ်င္ပါတယ္၊ ကြ်န္ေတာ္တိုု႔ကိုု (ဒီနိုုင္ငံကိုု)အတိတ္ကအဓိပၺါယ္ဖြင့္ခဲ့သလိုုအက်ဥ္းေထာင္ၾကီးလိုု႔မဖြင့္ေစခ်င္ေတာ့ပါဘူး၊ကြ်န္ေတာ္တိုု႔အေနနဲ႔ေရွ႕အနာဂါတ္ကိုုဘဲၾကည့္ခ်င္ပါတယ္၊ ေျမာက္ကိုုရီးယားေခါင္းေဆာင္ေတြကိုုေျပာခ်င္ပါတယ္၊ ကြ်န္ေတာ္ဟာေရြး ခ်ယ္နိုုင္ဖိုု႔လမ္းကိုုေပးခဲ့ပါတယ္၊ သင္တိုု႔ရဲ႕ညဴကလီးယားလက္နက္ေတြကိုုစြန္႔ျပစ္လိုုက္ပါ၊ ျငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးနဲ႔တိုုးတက္ ဖြံ႔ျဖိဳးေရးကိုုေရြးခ်ယ္လိုုက္ပါ၊ အကယ္၍သင္လုုပ္ခဲ့မယ္ဆိုုရင္ ကြ်န္ေတာ္တိုု႔အေမရိက က လက္ဆန္႔တန္း ျပီး ၾကိဳဆိုုမွာပါ။

အခုု ၂၀၁၂ မွာကြ်န္ေတာ္တိုု႔ဟယအေရွ႕အေနာက္၊ေတာင္နဲ႔ေျမာက္ဆိုုျပီးပိုုင္းျပီးခြဲျခားေနစရာမလိုုေတာ့ပါဘူး၊  ခင္ဗ်ားတိုု႔ရဲ႕ေျမာက္ဖက္ကအိမ္နီး ခ်င္းျဖစ္တဲ့တရုုပ္ျပည္ၾကီး နဲ႔ အေနာက္ဖက္အိမ္နီးခ်င္းအိႏၵိယနိုုင္ငံတိုု႔ ျငိမ္းခ်မ္းစြာတိုုးတက္လာတာကိုကြ်န္ေတာ္တိုု႔ ကၾကိဳဆိုုခဲ့ပါတယ္။   ကမၻာ့ကုုလသမဂၢ နဲ႔ အေမရိကန္ ျပည္ေထာင္စုုတိုု႔ဟာၾကီးၾကီးငယ္ငယ္ဘယ္နိုုင္ငံနဲ႔မဆိုု ကမၻာၾကီး ပိုုျပီးျငိမ္းခ်မ္းလာဖိုု႔၊ ပိုုျပီး ၾကြယ္ဝခ်မ္းသာလာဖိုု႔ ၊ ပိုုျပီးတရားမွ်တလာဖိုု႔၊ ပိုုျပီးလြတ္လပ္လာဖိုု႔ကိုုအတူလက္တြဲလုုပ္ခ်င္ပါတယ္။ ဒါ့အျပင္အေမရိကန္နိုုင္ငံအေန နဲ႔မိမိျပည္သူေတြရဲ႕အခြင့္အေရးကိုုေလးစားျပီးနိုုင္ငံတကာတရားဥပေဒကိုုတာဝန္ခံတဲ့ဘယ္နိုုင္ငံကိုုမဆိုု မိတ္ေဆြနိုုင္ငံအေနနဲ႔သတ္မွတ္ပါတယ္။

ဒီလိုုနိုုင္ငံ ၊ ဒီလိုု ကမၻာၾကီးကိုုခင္ဗ်ားတိုု႔အေနနဲ႔ဒီသမိုုင္းဝင္ျမိဳ႕ၾကီးကစျပီးတည္ေဆာက္နိုုင္ပါတယ္။ ကမၻာၾကီးကိုုႏွစ္ေပါင္းမ်ားစြာအထီးက်န္စြာေနခဲ့ရတဲ့နိုုင္ငံတခုုရဲ႕အသစ္ျပန္လည္စတင္ျခင္းရဲ႕စြမ္အားကိုုျပတဲ့အ ေနနဲ႕ဒီမိုုကေရစီေရးနဲ႔ဖြံ႔ျဖိဳးေရးတိုု႕ဟာအတူတကြတြဲျပီးခရီးတခုုထဲသြားေနတယ္ဆိုုတာျပသလိုုက္ပါ။ ကြ်န္ေတာ္ဒီလိုုေျပာရတာခင္ဗ်ားတိုု႔လိုု႔ဒီေနရာမွာထိုုင္ခြင့္၊နားေထာင္ခြင့္၊အခြင့္အေရးမရတ့ဲ မရည္တြက္ နိုုင္တဲ့သူေတြရွိေနေသးတယ္ဆိုုတာသိလိုု႔ပါဘဲ။ ဒီမွာလူသန္းေပါင္းမ်ားစြာဟာလွ်ပ္စစ္ဓါတ္မီးမရေသးပါဘူး၊ ဒီမွာအခုုထိမိမိလြတ္ေျမာက္ေရးကိုုေမွ်ာ္ေနၾကတဲ့ယံုုၾကည္ခ်က္ေၾကာင့္အက်ဥ္းက်ေနသူေတြရွိေနစဲပါ။ ဟိုုးတေနရာမွာ စခမ္းမ်ားတြင္ေနထိုုင္ေနရတဲ့ ဒုုကၡသည္မ်ားနဲ႔ေရႊ႕ေျပာင္းျပီးေနထိုုင္သူမ်ားဟာ အေဝးတေနရာရွိမိုုးကုုတ္စက္ဝန္းကေနျ႔ပီးေမွ်ာ္လင့္ေစာင့္စားေနၾကပါတယ္။

ဒီေန႔ကြ်န္ေတာ္ခင္ဗ်ားတိုု႔ကိုုျမင္ေတြ႔ေနပါတယ္၊ ခင္ဗ်ားတိုု႔အားလံုုးၾကားေအာင္ေျပာေနပါတယ္၊ အေမရိကဟာခင္ဗ်ားတိုု႔အားလံုုး နဲ႔အတူရွိေနပါတယ္၊ ထိုု႔အတူ ေမ့ေပ်ာက္ခံေနရသူမ်ား၊ အိမ္ယာသိမ္းခံရသူမ်ား၊ လူ႔အဖြဲ႔ အစည္းမွ ျငင္းပယ္ခံထားရသူမ်ား၊ ဆင္းရဲသားမ်ားအားလံုုးနဲ႔အတူအေမရိက ကအတူရွိေနပါတယ္။ ကြ်န္ေတာ္တိုု႔ဟာခင္ဗ်ားတိုု႔အေၾကာင္းေတြကိုုေခါင္းထဲမွာမွတ္ထားျပီး၊ ခင္ဗ်ားတိုု႔ရဲ႕ေမွ်ာ္လင့္ခ်က္ ေတြကိုု ႏွလံုုးသားထဲမွာသိမ္းထားပါ့မယ္၊ ဘာေၾကာင့္လဲဆိုုေတာ့ ဒီ၂၁ရာစုုမွာနည္းပညာတိုုးတက္ျပန္႔ႏွ႔ံလာတာနဲ႔အမွ်   ပိတ္ပင္ထားတဲ့အတား အစီးမ်ားကိုုျဖိဳခ်နိုုင္ခဲ့ပါတယ္၊  လြတ္လပ္ျခင္းရဲ႕ေရွ႕တန္းမ်က္ႏွာစာဟာနိုုင္ငံမ်ားနဲ႔လူ ပုုဂိၢဳလ္တဦးခ်င္းအားလံုုး ရဲ႕လက္တကမ္းမွာေရာက္ေနပါျပီ၊ သူတိုု႔ႏွစ္ခုုၾကားမွာမဟုုတ္ေတာ့ပါဘူး။

အက်ဥ္းသားေဟာင္းတေယာက္ကသူ႔နိုုင္ငံသားေတြကိုုေျပာခဲ့ပါတယ္၊ “နိုုင္ငံေရးဟာငါတိုု႔အားလံုုးရဲ႕အလုုပ္ဘဲ နိုုင္ငံေရးသမားေတြဘဲလုုပ္ရမွာမဟုုတ္ဘူး”တဲ့။  ကြ်န္ေတာ္တိုု႔အေမရိကမွာတင္စားေျပာတဲ့စကားကေတာ့ ဒီမိုုကေရစီရဲ႕အေရးအၾကီးဆံုုး ရံုုး ဟာျပည္သူမ်ားရဲ႕ရံုုးဘဲ ျဖစ္တယ္၊ သမတမဟုုတ္ဘူး၊ လႊတ္ေတာ္ ဥကၠဌ မဟုုတ္ဘူး၊ ဒါေပမဲ့ျပည္သူသာျဖစ္တယ္။ (လက္ခုုပ္သံမ်ား)

ဒီခရီးမွာ သာမာန္ထက္လြန္ကဲမွဳေတြ၊ အခက္အခဲေတြ၊ စိမ္ေခၚမွုဳေတြ၊ နဲ႔တခါတရံ စိတ္ရွဳပ္ေထြးမွဳေတြကိုုေတြ႔ရ မွာပါ၊ ဒါေပမဲ့အဆံုုးမွာေတာ့ခင္ဗ်ားတိုု႔၊ဒီနိုုင္ငံသားေတြကသာလြတ္လပ္ျခင္းဆိုုတဲ့ေဝါဟာရကိုုအဓိပၺါယ္ေဖၚၾက မွာျဖစ္တယ္။ ခင္ဗ်ားတိုု႔ကသာလြတ္လပ္ေရးကိုုသိမ္းပိုုက္ရယူမဲ့သူေတြျဖစ္တယ္၊ ဘာေၾကာင့္လဲဆိုုေတာ့ေတာ္ လွန္ေရးစိတ္ဓါတ္အစစ္အမွန္ဟာ ကြ်န္ေတာ္တိုု႔ရဲ႕ႏွလံုုးသားထဲကေန စတင္လာလိုု႔ဘဲျဖစ္တယ္။ ဒီအခ်က္ဟာသတၱိရွိဖိုု႔လိုုတယ္၊ ခင္ဗ်ားတိုု႔ရဲ႕ေခါင္းေဆာင္ေတာ္ေတာ္မ်ားမ်ားဟာဒီအခ်က္ကိုုျပသခဲ့ျပီးျဖစ္တယ္။

ေရွ႕ေလွ်ာက္ရမဲ့လမ္းခရီးဟာၾကီးမားတဲ့စိမ္ေခၚမွဳေတြနဲ႔ရင္ဆိုုင္ၾကရမွာျဖစ္တယ္၊ ဒါ့အျပင္ဒီေျပာင္းလဲမွဳကိုုဆန္႔ က်င္ တဲ့အင္းအားစုုေတြကလဲရွိေနေသးတယ္။ ဒါေပမဲ့ကြ်န္ေတာ္ယံုုၾကည္ခ်က္အျပည့္နဲ႔ဒီေနရာမွာရပ္ေနပါ တယ္၊ဘာေၾကာင့္လဲဆိုုေတာ့ဒီနိုုင္ငံမွာေနာက္ေၾကာင္းျပန္လိုု႔မရနိုုင္တဲ့အျဖစ္အပ်က္တခုုျဖစ္ပ်က္ ေနပါတယ္ ျပည္သူမ်ားရဲ႕ဆႏၵသေဘာထားဟာဒီနိုုင္ငံကိုုျမွင့္တင္ျပီးကမၻာ ၾကီးကိုုၾကီးမားတဲ့စံနမူနာတခုုအျဖစ္ျပသေနပါလိမ့္ မယ္။ခင္ဗ်ားတိုု႔မွာဒီလမ္းခရီးရွည္ၾကီးကိုုေလွ်ာက္ဖိုု႔အေမရိကန္နိုုင္ငံဟာလုုပ္ေဖၚကိုုင္ဖက္အေနနဲ႔ရွိေနမွာျဖစ္ ေၾကာင္း ေျပာၾကားလိုုက္ပါတယ္။

ေက်းဇူးတင္ပါတယ္။

(လက္ခုုပ္သံမ်ား)

ထြန္းေအာင္ေက်ာ္ တတ္သမွ် ခ်စ္ခ်ဳပ္ဘာသာျပန္ထားသည္။

အေမရိကန္အစိုုးရသေဘာထားကိုုရွင္းရွင္းလင္းလင္းသိေစလိုုသည့္ေစတနာျဖင့္ၾကိဳးစားဘာသာျပန္ေပးလိုုက္ပါ

သည္။

Obama Speech Only Burmese version

This is a PDf format article in Burmese language

The injustice and broken laws of the election committed by the regimes-sponsored political party USDP and the one sided bias toward USDP practiced by the authorities will create an outrage among the citizens. This will take event from regional and sporadic demonstrations to a nationwide uprising in the near future. The gross violations of election laws by the USDP and the illegal pre-vote casting favors USDP to win in the election.  Obviously, Burma’s election in 2010 is a sham.

The real change will take effect after the election. A kind of human outrage which once Burmese seem in 1988 will come as a storm and wipe out all the elements that created the down fall of Burma and it’s once the proud people.

The Burmese military regime lost the election in 1990, which was won by the opposition political party National League for Democracy (NLD) by 82% of the parliamentary seats but the regime refused to hand over political power.  After 20 years the regime planned another election on November 7, 2010 by using all kinds of restrictions against its main opponent the NLD party. This action forced NLD to boycott the election.  Not only did the NLD refuse to contend in the election but was also rejected by the winners of main ethnic political parties in the 1990.  United Nations, ASEAN, EU and the US pressured the regime to release more than 2000 political prisoners including Aung San Suu Kyi but no one else was released.  As a result, 2010 election lost its credibility.

The 2010 election will not form the emergence of a legitimate government. It will produce strife between the old Turks (former BSPP members) and the new (former SPDC members) as both parties have military backgrounds.  The regime is looking to gain legitimacy from foreign countries though it made the election under an undemocratic constitution.

There is no doubt that China, which lend three billions dollars to the regime before the election to show its support, will recognize the new government under its repeated motto: “Stability is crucial for the country’s development and that is the reason we support it”.  ASEAN nations will accept the election results without complaint as the internal affairs; India and Russia too will follow the same step.

But the USA, Canada, Australia, and EU are now speaking out loud about the un-free and unfair election in Burma.  However they will not out right reject the election results.  United Nations also repeated its un-effective words, which the regime never cares about. None of their demands of freeing Aung San Suu Kyi and political prisoners became reality.

Gradually Burmese people have come to known and seen the reality that they have to stand up and fight for. Their rights are not waiting for them.

On the other hand, the political parties that have claimed themselves as democratic forces have to form a coalition. This includes the NUP to put in its fold as a partner against USDP and speak out who violated the election law in which constituency by giving with proved documents such as first hand witness, photos, video recording and tape recording. Then we will see the tolerance level of the Thein Sein Regime.  How will the so-called Prime Minister Thein Sein handle the situation? Will he be ignoring the complaints or disqualifying his party candidates who violated the election laws? How much does he respect the law that he and his group created for the election? How could the political parties respond if Thein Sein ignore their complaint and refuse to disqualify his party candidates?

Burmese people who would like to see democratic change living abroad are doing their best against the sham election around the world by protesting in front of the Burmese embassies in their respected countries. The burnings of the new Burmese flags and complete disapproval of the new constitution is an example of their rage for the regime.  However their actions including pressure from democratic countries like USA and European countries will only give pressure and not the actual change that Burmese people are looking for.

The main force of the movement is from the inside. The NLD alone cannot stand for change but if NLD and democratic forces find a common ground to work together as team to fight against the coming SPDC/USDP regime, they can save the country in a short period of time. There is no time to blame each other.  Some will fight from the inside and some will fight from outside.  A grand strategy is needed for change in Burma.  The Burmese opposition needs to have broad minds and not hate each other about the past but rather look for a bright future by compromising with each other.  We have to compromise with each other to form a united front because without it, it will take another 20 years plus to set up a democratic government.

Burma is ripe for change. It depends on you.

The first tide is coming- the Burmese regime will start its dirty jobs soon after its 60 days of political party registration period.  The regime will outlaw NLD and capture hardliner NLD leaders.  But the extreme tsunami will come after the first tide hits Burma, the tsunami being the tide of the people’s power.

Publishers of the Burmese journals have to send their content to the literature censorship board for approval before it is published.  It takes at least one week to wait for the approval.  The current NLD boycotting the election made the authorities very nervous and now they are forcing the publishers to put out news that the NLD decision is disrupting the election.  If the journal writes what the censorship board wants, the journal is allowed to publish right away.  As a result, Myanmar News Week and The Yagon Times distributed their journals on March 31, two days after the NLD decision.  Others journals are still waiting for the approval to distribute.[1]

Myanmar News Week Journal wrote “NLD’s decision not to participate in the election means it is refusing to follow the principle of democratic change, which allows the means of entering the election for the country and its people by peaceful and smoother way”.  The same content was written in The Yangon Times.  Most of the journals need to wait for at least one week for the approval but the aforementioned journals were approved right away, meaning the authorities wanted to brainwash the Burmese people that it is the NLD’s blame and not the authorities’.

Other journals are waiting from the approval from the censorship board to write about the NLD decision.  One editor said, “If we write the same thing as Myanmar News Week and Yangon Time, I think they will allow us to publish our journal. They want us to write the same thing.”

On March 29, a hundred thirteen NLD party central committee members voted not to register for the election.[2]

Above news prove that SPDC is now frustrated and trying to blame NLD for not participating in the election.

1. SPDC has carefully crafted and failed at their strategy to corner NLD to participate in the election without Aung San Suu Kyi.
2. First they released U Win Tin, a principled journalist who has sacrificed his life for the country by not compromising to any pressure for his belief in democracy and fairness.  The NLD Chairman U Aung Shwe is a weak and persuadable man.  Every time the regime pressured NLD, he compromised and accepted what the regime desired.  On the other hand, U Win Tin is a man of principle, and the regime wants the NLD to split into two groups.  They know Aung Shwe and Win Tin will collide with each other if they release Win Tin, and it happened.  When Win Tin stayed in the NLD headquarters, Aung Shwe gave an excuse for his health and did not showed up for six months.  But when the election laws came out, Aung Shwe came back to the office and said NLD needs to register, which Win Tin outright rejected.

The SPDC predicted one group will be led by their desired man Aung Shwe and their uncompromising enemy Win Tin will lead the NLD youth, which has been very active with full of fighting spirit.  Aung Shwe and his men will kick out Win Tin’s group and enter the election.  As we all know, SPDC’s plan did not work out that way.  It is the wise decision made by NLD, especially a timely decision made by Aung San Suu Kyi.

Now NLD has to prepare against the next set of dirty tricks and pressure from SPDC.

1. Most of their active leaders and members will be captured.
2. Their offices will be forced to close down

1. The rest of NLD members will be closely monitored and harassed.

But there is a hope, people are now politically awakened, they have been sleeping for nearly 20 years after the four eights movement because under Aung Shwe leadership, NLD never stood up for what people want, his priority is the existence of the NLD party with a lack of policy matters.

Now NLD changed its course from one-sided compromising with the regime.  They are now sticking up their Shwegonedine declaration, which has a fair offer to overcome the dead-lock between the regime and democratic opposition as a whole.

People want “Change” and the NLD decision gave them “Hope” to rise up again.  In 1988, many thought it was impossible to fight against the BSPP government but it happened and General Ne Win finally stepped down.

Unlike 1988, the current political situation is far worse than in 1988.  People are starving, Burma has lost its two crucial resources:

1. Human resources
2. Natural resources

Many forests and wild life have gone. Thai, Chinese, and Indonesian logging companies and Burmese tycoons like Tayza Htoo’s company have licenses to demolish forests with no regard to conservation.  Burmese fishermen could not catch enough fish in the Burmese sea anymore because foreign fishing boats have over fished in Burmese waters.  Many mines have run out of ores, even gas exploration is so successful, the Capital Rangoon does not have enough electricity and cooking gas for its people.

Many intellectuals leave the country when they have a chance to find jobs after graduation.  Doctors, Engineers, Nurses, Chemists, Physicists, and more are all leaving the country by legal or illegal means.  It has been a total brain drain after 1988.  Factories were shut down and government privatization programs only benefited the rich who deeply support the regime.

If the NLD has a “Do or Die policy” by using 1990 Election mandate to form the government in an appropriate time, people will rise up and support the government.  People are now very excited and ready to go with NLD, they need to capitalize on the chance by organizing its core members and draw a strategy as soon as possible before the 60 days period.  One important thing is NLD has to be very careful not to make a drastic action before the 60 days dead line.  If NLD announced to form a government before the dead line, the regime will definitely crush them.  NLD should wait until the regime makes a move first by announcing NLD party as an illegal party.  When it happened, the world will reject the regime’s 2010 election.  Then NLD has to move to form a government by using 1990 election results.

Even under Chairman U Aung Shwe’s leadership while compromising with the regime, many NLD offices were closed down, many were put in prisons and the group had no right to call for its own party convention for more than 10 years.  NLD does not need to worry about its image fading because it will still be recognized by the Burmese even if the regime outlaws NLD as an illegal organization.  Burmese people and the world will still recognize NLD as a political party.

On the other hand, SPDC needs to show the world that the 2010 election is credible by releasing political prisoners before the election.  They are not willing to change their laws and regulations but they could release all political prisoners before the election.  SPDC is not releasing the election date yet and it is only 9 months left within the year to hold the election.  Withholding this pivotal information shows that they still have no confidence in the election.

The problems SPDC has been facing within the election period are:

1. They have to show the world that it is free and fair.
2. Oppositions have freedom to organize the people without harassment from the government.
3. Independent newspapers and broadcasting need to established before the election.
4. Independent civic organizations should be allowed to form legally.

They are not going to allow 3 and 4.

Than Shwe clearly said in the Burma Independent day speech, “ Do not expect to get mature democracy after the election.”  He already stated he will not give the people freedom after the election.  It means he has a plan to win and still control the political power however necessary.

In conclusion, many prisoners in Burma prisons are filled with army deserters.  It proves that the Army is suffering under cruel military rule.  Who knows, maybe when people rise up for their rights under the new and strong NLD leadership, the army, navy and air force will join with the people because they themselves are part of the people who suffered so long.

Htun Aung Gyaw

March 31, 2010

[1] Tuesday March 30. 2010 Report by Than Htike Oo (From Tsunami News)

[2] Ibid

Analyzing the 2010 election (Burmese)

NLD set up the date for its party central committee meeting on 29 March 2010, where a decision will be made weather as to enter the election or not. NLD will likely decide to favor entering the election and expel its leader Aung San Suu Kyi by avoiding becoming the illegal party under the SPDC unjust election laws.

Before discussion on this issue, we need to know why SPDC planned to hold the election after 20 years of strict rule. There are two reasons that SPDC needs an election for its own benefit.

1. Gain Internal legitimacy
2. Gain External legitimacy

For gaining “Internal legitimacy”, SPDC hands out a trick by issuing strict party registration laws which will force the NLD to make a drastic decision to expel its world known and respected leader Aung San Suu Kyi along with tough party members who have been thrown into jail for their strong belief in freedom and democratic rights.

If the NLD falls into the SPDC trap and expel ASSK from the party, National League for Democracy will lose its credibility and support from Burmese people.

On the other hand, unlike the situation in 1990, SPDC-sponsored mafia organization Union of Solidarity and Development Association (USDA) is well-prepared for the election and its members reach from cities to villages.

In addition, SPDC created a Nazi era like brown shirt terrorist organization called Swan Ar Shin (The Mighty) whose job is to beat up the opposition members and pro-democracy activists, while Swan Ar Shin are under the guise of concerned citizens who control the disturbances (anti government demonstrations are mark as disturbances and disruption of peace and stability of the country). In reality, they are government-sponsored thugs that beat up demonstrators.

Without ASSK, NLD has no chance to win the election. Internal legitimacy is not very difficult for the SPDC because even though they lost the election in 1990, they have been ruling without legitimacy for more than two decades with force and violence at their disposal. Even though they do not have internal legitimacy, they can create one and they will force to get it in the future. For example, after cyclone Nargis hit Burma, SPDC did not delay its planned referendum even within the crisis where more than one hundred thousand died and millions became homeless. SPDC did not care about it and shamelessly announced that the referendum was successful and 94% endorsed it. It proved that they will use force if necessary because it is Burma’s internal affairs and no one can stop them.

But unlike internal legitimacy, they cannot get the external legitimacy by using force or threat because it is beyond their limit. To gain external legitimacy, SPDC needs to prove that the election is free and fair. If they hold the election while giving NLD fair entry, they will get acceptance from the Western nations even if NLD loses. Getting external legitimacy is the main reason the SPDC is planning the election in 2010.

But the current situation does not favor them to get external legitimacy because the strict election laws including Party Registration Law clearly forced the NLD and other political parties to expel their members who are in prisons.

The current situation shows that NLD party has two options:

Option One:

1. Abandoned their mandate of 1990 election results and Shwegone Dine declaration.
2. Expel Aung San Suu Kyi and NLD prisoners
3. Register as a political party and accept and promise to safeguard the 2008 constitution.

It is likely to happen under Chairman Aung Shwe. He said NLD needs to register in the CEC meeting. His aids, Khin Mg Swe and Dr. Than Nyein also expressed their view by supporting Aung Shwe. It is like history revisited again like in 1993 when SPDC pressured NLD to expel ASSK or abolish the party, Aung Shwe chose to expel ASSK. But it was the post election period and NLD also has 1990 election mandate to rule. Now they will do it again and General Mg Than Shwe knows their weakness.

Even though Aung San Suu Kyi gave her opinion that she will not accept the unjust law and refused to register it, both Than Nyein and Khin Mg Swe said everyone has a choice and they have theirs, if someone does not want to register he or she has to leave the party but they will still be holding the party banner and entering the election. Since they will not accept the majority vote in the central committee meeting, it likely means NLD is going to split into two groups.

Option two

1. Refuse to register as a political party.
2. Announce the world that they cannot expel their beloved leader for the election because the SPDC laws are designed to exclude their leader to participate in the election.
3. They will not dissolve their party and it will still be a people’s party, they are still holding the Shwegone Dine declaration and are open for dialogue with SPDC.

My opinion is if NLD chooses option one, it is a doomsday for the NLD party. The current situation is totally different because now is a pre-election period and if NLD expels their leader Aung San Suu Kyi, it will lose terribly and never regain to be trusted by its people again.

SPDC needs NLD to participate in the election without ASSK and well respected NLD organizers who are serving their long jail terms. Their plan is to show the world that NLD participates in the election and failed, so their party becomes a winner party without rejection from the West.

If NLD refuses to register and block those who wanted to register and enter the election by expelling them or get the majority to vote against the idea, then SPDC might compromise and negotiate with NLD, because who knows… they might be bluffing.

Shan National League for Democracy (SNLD) the second largest winner party in 1990 announced that it will not register because their party leader Khun Htun Oo is still in the prison, without their party leader they will not registered. Also cease fire group Wa organization United Wa State Party (UWSP) and New Mon State Party (MNSP) refused to register as a political party because they do not like to accept the 2008 one sided constitution which does not guaranteed the ethnic rights.

One thing worries me is newly elected NLD’s CC members were selected directly by the CEC, especially by U Aung Shwe. Mostly majority are his men and women. NLD is going to decide whether they will register or not on March 29 with secret voting. This secret voting is a trick because it is possible that Aung Shwe already set up a plan for his followers to vote what he wants by using secret voting, so people will not know who want to register and who don’t. This kind of secret voting system designed to protect the identity of central committee members who agree with Aung Shwe and support the registration.

On the other hand, grass root NLD regional and division members are loudly talking about against the registration laws and “No” to register it. In addition, activists around the world totally rejected the idea of registration except a few so called intellectuals who think they know very well and it is the only way to surrender and participate in the election. Cease fire groups, Ethnic parties, grass root NLD regional members all speak out their opinions boycotting the election by refusing to register it.

If there is an open voting in the coming March 29, the result will favor the rejection of the registration, if not NLD banner will be robbed by Aung Shwe’s gang in the near future.

Burmese generals are playing with China, the United States and the United Nations since its came into power in 1988 for their own benefit to cling on political power. The US and China need to think it is more beneficial for them to find a way and work together for the emergence of democratic governance in Burma for the long run, rather than thinking of how to influence the current military regime which has no interest on its own people and the development of the country.

Chinese Foreign Ministry spokeswoman Jiang Yu said at a regular press briefing. “As Myanmar’s (Burma’s) neighbor, China hopes to see stability and economic development in Myanmar and China always adopts a policy of non-interference”.

China has been the sole protector for the Burmese military regime since it came into power in 1988. China explained to the world that the Burmese regime has the ability to maintain stability of the country. But when 20,000 Kokant Chinese refugees from Burma fled to China on August 28, 2009, the Chinese regime may need to rethink about their “stability” theory. Is the regime really maintaining stability in the country? Or Burma is like a sleeping volcano, and can erupt any time any moment?

China-Burma relation strained when the Burmese Socialist government created anti-Chinese riots to divert the rice shortage in Burma in 1967. Many Chinese were killed by the hungry mob and the Chinese Embassy was surrounded by thousands of people. China withdrew its Ambassador and gave tons of arms and ammunition to the Communist Party of Burma (CPB) to punish the so-called Burmese socialist regime.

CPB recruited ethnic Wa, Kachins, and Kokang as their soldiers. Some Wa’s, Kachins and Kokang leaders were sent to Beijing to attend communist cadre classes. The growing of ethnic based communist troops gave an opportunity to the Wa ethnic minority’s group to rise as one of the strongest ethnic resistance groups in Burma after they split with CPB.

On September 18, 1988 the military leaders brutally crushed the nation-wide demonstrations spearheaded by university students. After that incident, China-Burma relations changed dramatically. The West and the US fully supported the 1988 demonstrations which demanded for democratic government and multi party system. On the other hand, Chinese government totally supported the Burmese regime which has a similar style of dictatorial rule in China.

The newly formed military regime announced that they are going to a democratic system and promised to change the close door economic system to an open economic system. Burma’s neighboring countries jumped into the bandwagon to take the lion share from Burma’s rich natural resources, logging, fishing, mining, and gas explorations.

Among them China was the regime’s favorite ally and the most beneficial. China–Burma border was open and trade between the two countries soared from millions to billions. The flow of Chinese immigrants and merchants were unbelievable like a human stream flowing into Burma. Before 1988, Chinese influence in Burma reached to Lasho in Shan states, which is made of 80% Chinese population. But after 1988 the cultural city of Burma; Mandalay, was quickly occupied by the Chinese migrants and local Burmese people were pushed to the out skirts. Burmese immigration offices in China-Burma border became rich by allowing Chinese immigrants into Burma and issuing them as Burmese citizens though they only spoke Chinese.

David I Steinberg wrote “Burmese officials indicate there may be two million illegal Chinese in Myanmar and perhaps half a million Chinese registered with the government. This would be about five percent of the population.”

In his last paragraph Steinberg predicts regarding Burma-China relations that “The Chinese government needs to understand that if they do not push discretely but intensely for economic and political reforms in their own national interests, they may lose out in the longer term.”

Now Than Shwe wants to show its softer face to the USA by attacking Kokang cease fire groups. He also met with the US senator Jim Webb. As a result, Jim Webb was able to take back his country man John Yettaw who unofficially swam across the lake to meet with Aung San Suu Kyi.

Majority of the CPB leadership were Burmese and they were seen as a dominant majority race by ethnic groups including Was, Kokants and Kachins. CPB mutiny erupted in 1989 starting from Kokant leadership led by Phun Kya Shin and was followed by the Wa’s and Kachins.

Ethnic resistance groups are solely dependent on Burma’s neighboring countries, such as China, Thailand, India and Bangladesh. Kachins, Kokang and Wa’s follow what China directed to them and Karens, Karennis, Lahus, Shans, Paos and Mons depend on Thailand for medicines, food, and illegal arms trade. In the same fashion, Chins and Nagas accept what India wants.

Under the Socialist regime Burma practiced closed door economic system which indirectly boosted the black market trade. The unofficial black market border trade between Burma and its neighboring countries flourished between 1962 to 1988. The ethnic resistance groups were well connected with border trade and financially benefitted from it. Competition between different ethnic groups to control the border trade was the main interest for them. Ethnic resistance groups lost their goals for autonomy and enjoyed collecting tax from the black market trade. Ethnic leaders were well treated by the Thais, Chinese and Indians because they were the one who controlled the border trade.

When 1988 nation-wide demonstration occurred, the Karen National Union (KNU) and the New Mon State Party (NMSP) fought each other to control the border trade in Three Pagoda Pass, rather than planning to support the movement inside Burma. This incident proved that there was no strategic planning to achieve their goal for autonomy when the government was temporarily paralyzed by the nation-wide demonstrations.

But after the Burmese regime opened up the economy, the relationship between the Thais and ethnic resistance groups has changed. Thais saw that directly dealing with the military regime was far more beneficial than dealing with ethnic resistance groups. Karen leaders were harassed by the Thai authorities while traveling within Thailand, while in the past were given VIP status. Thais imposed a lot of restrictions on resistance leaders from Burma to please the Burmese military regime, in return getting logging and fishing concessions and later gas deals with Burma.

On the other hand, the ethnic Wa, Kokang, Shans and Kachins split from CPB and reached a cease fire agreement where favored by the regime. They were free to travel in the country and free to do business. This is the significant progress for the ethnic resistance groups living along the China-Burma border. The Wa’s, Kachins, Shans and Kokang along the china border emerged as business partners with the military generals. As a result, opium production soared in the China-Burma and Thai-Burma border. Burmese regime denied that they are not involved in opium trade but after Kokang group was rooted out, they blamed the Kokang leader as an opium warlord. To eliminate the Wa, Kachin and Mongla groups, the regime needed to name them as opium warlords in front of the international arena. It is the best way to persuade the USA to support them to curb the opium production.

But the Burmese generals have no intention to let the cease fire groups free-roaming around the country for life; they are planning to control the whole country after their planned 2010 election. After 2010 there will be no ethnic armies existent in Burma. The only army standing tall will be the Burmese Army which controls the whole country as a dominant institution. Under the new constitution they will get amnesty for their crimes against humanity and human rights violations. Then the generals and their cronies will control politics and economy for decades to come.

To eliminate the ethnic armies they have to make a deal with the Chinese because Wa, KoKang, and Kachin are recognized as ethnic people from China and if the war broke out in China-Burma border, tens and thousands will flee from Burma into China and it will be a big headache for the Chinese to deal with the refugees. The current warning from Chinese authority to the Burmese counterpart is not to harm its citizens. China demands for those who abused the Chinese inside Burma to be persecuted. They’ve called the Chinese citizens from eastern Burma to return to China as soon as possible, proving to us that the Chinese government is concerned about the shaky situation in Burma.

If China agreed to close its eyes, the Burmese troops will be roaming into Wa and Kachin regions to eliminate the ethnic armies. The Burmese will do it in the near future but if China did not approve the ethnic cleansing, Burmese generals need to find a super power which will balance the Chinese power in Asia. It turn out the US is their best option to approach. But China might likely close its eyes if the Burmese offensive starts against the ethnic cease fire groups because China needs gas from Burma urgently for its growing economy and short cut transportation from Burma’s sea to its land locked Yunan province.

The Burmese generals will explain Chinese leaders that Burma needs only one army and they have to get rid of the ethnic armies to consolidate the power for stability and peace. They will promise not to harm the Chinese citizens when war breaks out but within the war a lot of innocent Chinese citizens will die together with the ethnic troops.

On the other hand, they will deal with the high ranking US officials like Senator Jim Webb for backing them to eliminate the ethnic cease fire groups. The regime likes to approach Senator Jim Webb because he was the one who strongly opposed sanction. Even though economic sanction is not directly effective on regime change, it is hurting the regime to some extent. The only thing the regime wants to deal with the US is to show the Burmese people that they have no hope to fight back because now the strong critic like the US government is on their side by using pictures of high ranking US officials shaking hands with General Than Shwe and his cabinet members in their propaganda newspapers and TV stations.

In reality the regime does not care for sanction or western help. They do not care about the country’s economy or its people who are struggling for survival. The only thing they care about is how to use the super powers for their own benefit to cling onto political power. In 2008 Cyclone Nergis proved that the regime did not care about the people, helping the cyclone victims were far less important than maintaining the political power.

The regime used US special Envoy Rezali Ismail to buy time by promising him they would start a dialogue with opposition party National League for Democracy but years passed by without one dialogue.

They will name the cease fire groups as drug kingpins in the near future when the war breaks out. Kokang leader Phum Kya Shin was praised as a nationalist hero when he reached a cease-fire agreement with the regime. But after he refused to transform his army to a border guard he was attacked and named as a drug lord.

In conclusion, both China and USA need to know the mentality of the regime and work together as a team to change Burma as a democratic country. China will get more benefit under democratic Burma rather than favoring and supporting the notorious military regime. Aung San Suu Kyi said China and Burma have a long history of mutual relationship and she intends to keep it as a good neighbor. Burma has no capacity to threat China when it is changed as a democratic nation and it will be less of a headache for China to deal with a democratic government. Under democratic rule in Burma, ethnic issues will be solved on peaceful negotiation rather than using force to fight each other.

The US needs to keep in mind that ASEAN constructive engagement has failed and so did the sanction. The new approach not only needs engagement but also to find and support real potential leaders and not Burmese Chalabis. There are potential leaders who have commitment and capacity to change Burma as a democratic state. Leaders of 88 Generation have come of age and they are ready to lead the country. The US needs to support those leaders in exile with financial, technological, and training for change in Burma rather supporting corrupt so called leaders in Exile who could not show progress within two decades.